Locked Down: How Prison Lockdowns Undermine Mental Health and Rehabilitation in U.S. Prisons

Lockdowns are supposed to keep prisons safe. Too often, they function as mass isolation: damaging mental health, stalling rehabilitation, and deepening a humanitarian crisis.

During my 8 years of incarceration, I experienced numerous lockdown events. It could be due to a fight in the yard or chow hall, an outbreak of an infectious disease like Norovirus, or a security sweep for weapons and contraband. It might last for a few hours to a few days. A security sweep might result in my property being tossed like a fruit salad onto my bed and my body strip searched, but that was the extent of my inconvenience. My few delayed meals or a sack lunch, a few missed shifts as a school tutor, canceled medical or library callouts, even a few missed visits do not begin to compare to what is happening now across the country. Lockdowns were just part of the prison experience, but that all changed with Covid-19.

My wife is a Medical Assistant and was hired during Covid to work in the state prison near our house. During the pandemic everything changed. Just like out in the world, prisons went into complete lockdown. No prisoner movement. What necessary minimal services like medical came to the housing units. All offsite prisoner transport stopped. No visits, no school or programing, no yard, weight pit of gym callouts, no church services or outside volunteers. Prisoners were not allowed to interact with other people from outside their housing units. The routine upon which prison is built was stopped completely. In most prisons this condition lasted not for a couple of months, but for over a year. In a previous blog post entitled Anti-Social Distancing I wrote about the devastating effects that the pandemic had on prisoners. The ripple effects of that time still reverberate in prisons.

In many U.S. prisons, “lockdown” no longer describes a rare emergency response to a riot or a narrowly targeted security incident. It has become a recurring operational mode: housing units sealed, movement halted, yard and dayroom time canceled, phones restricted, visits suspended, and education, treatment, and job assignments paused—sometimes for days, weeks, or even months. Reporting in recent years has documented extended lockdowns tied not only to violence but also to chronic understaffing and overcrowding, raising a stark question: When a prison can’t run its basic schedule safely, are we still operating a rehabilitative institution or merely warehousing human beings behind steel doors? [1]

What a Prison Lockdown Actually Means

Lockdowns vary by facility, custody level, and the event that triggered them. But in practice, a lockdown is a temporary suspension of normal movement and routines—often applied to an entire housing unit or whole prison—so staff can regain control, search for contraband, respond to violence, manage a shortage of officers, or contain disease outbreaks. Some lockdowns allow limited “controlled movement” (brief showers, medication lines, or staggered recreation). Others are near-total confinement to cell, with meals delivered to doors, minimal human contact, and sharply reduced access to healthcare, law library, religious services, and family contact.

Even when it is not formally “solitary confinement,” a prolonged lockdown can replicate many of the same risk factors: sensory deprivation, social isolation, loss of autonomy, and the collapse of predictable routines that help people regulate stress. That overlap matters because research on restrictive housing and solitary confinement consistently links extreme isolation to psychological deterioration, self-harm, and elevated suicide risk.

Mental Health: Why Lockdowns Hurt So Much

People enter prisons with high rates of mental illness and trauma histories, and many facilities already struggle to meet their clinical needs. The Prison Policy Initiative’s research library summarizes how common mental health diagnoses are in custody and how gaps in treatment persist. In that environment, lockdowns act like gasoline on a smoldering fire: they intensify stressors while simultaneously cutting off the very support: structured activity, social contact, counseling, movement, sunlight, and exercise that can keep symptoms from spiraling. [10]

Loss of routine and control: Predictability is a core mental-health stabilizer. Lockdowns replace schedules with uncertainty—When will the door open? Will medication be on time? Will family calls work today?
Isolation and conflict: Confinement increases loneliness and rumination, but it can also increase tension with cellmates in cramped spaces, producing hypervigilance and sleep disruption.
Reduced physical activity: Yard closures and canceled recreation remove one of the most accessible mood regulators.
Disrupted healthcare access: Even brief interruptions in psychiatric care, counseling, and medication continuity can trigger withdrawal, relapse, or acute crises.
Family separation: Suspended visitation and restricted phone access remove a major buffer against despair—especially for parents.

We should be careful with language: lockdowns and solitary confinement are not identical. Still, a large body of evidence on solitary confinement provides a warning label for prolonged, near-total lockdown conditions. A major systematic review and meta-analysis in Frontiers in Psychiatry found solitary confinement was associated with adverse psychological effects and higher risks of self-harm and mortality, especially suicide. When whole housing units are kept in conditions that approximate isolation, it is reasonable to expect similar patterns—particularly among people with preexisting mental illness. [3]

Lockdowns also leave residue. After weeks of enforced inactivity, people may emerge dysregulated—more irritable, less trusting, and more prone to impulsive behavior. That dysregulation can feed a vicious loop: tension increases, violence increases, administrators respond with more lockdown, and the psychological and social environment degrades further. Meanwhile, the skills needed for successful reentry: emotion regulation, conflict resolution, consistent participation in treatment—are precisely the skills lockdowns erode.

Rehabilitation: Lockdowns Don’t Just Pause Programs—They Break Them

Education classes, vocational training, substance use treatment groups, cognitive behavioral programs, faith-based services, work assignments, and reentry planning often depend on predictable movement and staff availability. Lockdowns disrupt all of it. Even “temporary” cancellations can have outsized effects because correctional programming is built on momentum: attendance requirements, sequential curricula, waitlists, and limited seats. Miss enough sessions, and a person can lose their spot—then wait months to re-enroll, if they can at all.

This isn’t a minor inconvenience. Research syntheses and policy reviews consistently find that prison programming, especially education and job training, can reduce recidivism and improve post-release employment. RAND’s work on correctional education summarizes evidence that educating incarcerated people improves post-release outcomes, and federal reviews describe programming as a key lever for reducing reoffending. When lockdowns suspend programming, they effectively suspend one of the few tools’ prisons have to make future communities safer. [8] [9]

Lockdowns also damage the human infrastructure of rehabilitation: relationships. Family visitation is often suspended, and calls may be limited or unreliable. Staff may interact with incarcerated people primarily through orders and door slots. Over time, this can shift the culture from “managed community” toward “permanent crisis mode.” Recent accounts describe facilities held in extended lockdown conditions because agencies lack enough staff to safely run normal schedules—an operational failure with deep human costs.

Are Lockdowns Increasing? What U.S. Data Shows—and What It Doesn’t

If you’re looking for a single national dataset that tracks the frequency and duration of prison lockdowns across all U.S. state and federal facilities over decades, you’ll quickly hit a wall: lockdowns are not consistently defined, measured, or publicly reported across jurisdictions. National statistical agencies such as the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) produce detailed annual reports on prison and jail populations, admissions, staffing, and mortality, but “lockdown-days per facility per year” is not a standard published metric. The Prison Policy Initiative even maintains resources explaining that many commonly requested criminal-justice datasets simply don’t exist in unified form—lockdowns being a prime example. [10] Here is one of the few examples from the Illinois Department of Corrections.

Example of lockdown data from the Illinois Department of Corrections for FY2020 to FY2025 showing the marked recent increase in lockdowns.

Still, we can responsibly analyze lockdown trends by triangulating from: (1) periods when lockdowns were system-wide (notably the COVID-19 era), (2) staffing and overcrowding indicators that predict operational lockdowns, and (3) investigative reporting and oversight findings documenting prolonged, non-emergency lockdown use. Note that throughout this article I have specifically included a series of images related to two state prisons in Wisconsin that made the news due to public protests regarding prolonged lockdowns and prison conditions.

1) The COVID-19 Shock: Lockdown as Public-Health Control

From March 2020 through early 2021, many prisons entered “modified operations” that resembled extended lockdowns: movement restrictions, suspended visitation, reduced programming, and quarantine/isolation practices. BJS documented the broader system impacts of the pandemic in prisons—including testing, infections, deaths, and major shifts in admissions and releases—showing how deeply COVID-19 altered daily operations behind bars. [4] Refer to my post Speech-less to read about the devastating effect that Covid-19 had on those incarcerated at that time.

Federal oversight also highlighted the mental-health danger of pandemic isolation. In a capstone review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ COVID-19 response, the DOJ Office of the Inspector General reported that the BOP told investigators that seven incarcerated people died by suicide from March 2020 through April 2021 while housed in single-cell confinement in quarantine units related to COVID-19—an alarming signal of how extreme isolation can interact with crisis stress. The OIG also described staffing shortages and morale challenges during the pandemic. [5]

At the time the BOP published facility-level COVID-19 statistics, which helped document disease burden and operational strain. That reporting was quickly ended even before the pandemic was declared over and the information was never translated into a standardized national ledger of lockdown frequency and duration.

2) The Staffing Squeeze: Lockdown as a Substitute for Adequate Operations

Outside of pandemic emergencies, one of the most commonly cited drivers of extended lockdowns is understaffing. When there aren’t enough officers to safely escort people to chow, yard, school, or the clinic, prisons cut movement. In its analysis of the national staffing crisis, the Prison Policy Initiative argues that understaffing becomes a self-reinforcing loop: fewer staff leads to more restrictive conditions and fewer services; conditions worsen; violence rises; staff burnout increases; recruitment becomes harder; and lockdown becomes routine. [2]

Data-driven reporting has underscored how severe the staffing decline has been. The Marshall Project reported that state correctional workforces dropped sharply after 2019, reaching the lowest mark in more than two decades in 2022, while many state prison populations began rebounding—creating a mismatch between staffing capacity and operational demands. In that context, lockdown becomes a predictable management response rather than an exceptional security measure. [6]

Stateline’s national reporting similarly describes prolonged lockdowns, sometimes lasting weeks or months—linked to understaffing and overcrowding, not disciplinary need. The key trend described is not necessarily “more lockdown events,” but longer lockdowns and more frequent reliance on lockdown-like restrictions as a default operating posture. [1]

Talib Akbar speaks during an Oct. 10, 2023, protest at the Wisconsin State Capitol in Madison, Wis. WISDOM, a statewide faith-based social justice organization, organized the protest. Akbar was incarcerated for 20 years before his release in 2013 and spent at least 10 stints in solitary confinement, including a stretch lasting nearly a year. WISDOM and partner organizations called on the short-staffed Wisconsin Department of Corrections to lift restrictions on prisoner movement, reduce the prison population and invest in community-based programs that aid prisoner rehabilitation. (Meryl Hubbard / Wisconsin Watch)

3) Security Threats: Contraband, Drugs, Phones, and Violence

Lockdowns are also frequently used after violent incidents, when administrators suspect weapons, or when contraband flows overwhelm routine searches. A National Institute of Justice summary of a RAND-facilitated workshop on correctional security threats ranked insufficient staffing as the top concern among experts, with contraband (drugs, weapons, cellphones) generating the largest number of priority needs. Each of these threats can precipitate facility-wide shakedowns and movement freezes, especially when an agency lacks the personnel and technology to target responses precisely. [7]

So, are lockdowns increasing? We cannot prove a clean nationwide time-series increase in lockdown frequency and duration because the U.S. lacks standardized, publicly reported lockdown metrics across prisons. But multiple converging indicators suggest a real shift toward more extended lockdown conditions since 2020: pandemic-era modified operations, followed by persistent staffing shortages and overcrowding pressures that make normal programming schedules difficult to sustain. The lived reality described by oversight bodies and national reporting is consistent with longer and more routine restrictions—even if the number of discrete “lockdown events” is not measured uniformly.

Underlying Causes: Why Lockdowns Keep Spreading

Chronic understaffing and burnout: When posts go unfilled and overtime becomes constant, prisons cannot safely move large groups. Lockdown becomes the operational workaround. [1] [2] [6]
Overcrowding and facility design: Crowded units, dorm settings, and aging infrastructure make it harder to separate conflicts, quarantine illness, or run staggered movement without enormous staffing. [1]
Contraband markets and violence cycles: Illicit phones, drugs (including opioids), and weapons drive shakedowns and retaliatory violence, often followed by facility-wide lockdown. [7]
Policy incentives that favor control over care: It is administratively easier to cancel activities than to build staffing, training, clinical capacity, and targeted security approaches.
Unmet mental health and substance use needs: When treatment access is thin, crises escalate; crises prompt lockdowns; lockdowns worsen mental health; and the cycle continues. [3] [10]

Protesters call on the short-staffed Wisconsin Department of Corrections to improve prisoner conditions and lift restrictions on prisoners’ movement during a protest at the Wisconsin State Capitol on Oct. 10, 2023, in Madison, Wis. *Meryl Hubbard/Wisconsin Watch*

What Can Be Done: A Humane, Evidence-Based Path Out of the Lockdown Spiral

Calling this a “humanitarian crisis” is not hyperbole: prolonged, population-wide confinement in stressful environments predictably harms mental health and sabotages rehabilitation. The good news is that the solutions are not mysterious. They require political will, operational discipline, and transparency.

Measure lockdowns—then publish the numbers. States and the federal system should track at minimum: lockdown start/end times, scope (unit vs. facility), reason codes, services suspended, and out-of-cell hours provided. Without data, the public can’t distinguish emergency necessity from routine deprivation. (The current lack of standardized lockdown metrics is a central barrier to trend analysis.) [10]
Set enforceable limits and minimum conditions. Even during lockdowns, people should receive daily out-of-cell time, access to showers, medical and mental health care, and meaningful communication with counsel and family, with clear exceptions only for immediate, documented threats.
Stabilize staffing—but don’t pretend hiring alone can solve mass incarceration. The staffing crisis is real, but it is tightly linked to the scale of incarceration. Breaking the cycle means improving working conditions (training, safety, schedules, pay) while also reducing the incarcerated population so staffing ratios are feasible. [2] [6]
Protect program continuity as a public-safety priority. If education and treatment reduce recidivism, then suspending them for long periods should be treated as a risk to community safety. Build “lockdown-resilient” programming: cell-front coursework, tablet-based learning (where feasible), small-group controlled movement, and make-up sessions that prevent people from losing their place in sequenced programs. [8] [9]
Expand mental health support during and after lockdown periods. Lockdowns are predictable stress spikes. Facilities should implement surge mental-health checks, peer-support access, and rapid referral pathways during restrictions, especially for people with known risk factors for self-harm. The evidence linking extreme isolation to self-harm and suicide risk makes this essential. [3] [5]
Modernize contraband control without collective punishment. Targeted searches, intelligence-led investigations, and technologies aimed at drones and illicit phones can reduce the perceived need for sweeping lockdowns—while still addressing the very real threats highlighted by correctional security experts. [7]
Strengthen independent oversight. Prolonged lockdowns should trigger automatic external review: documentation of necessity, timeline for restoration of normal operations, and a plan for services. Oversight findings during COVID-19 show why independent scrutiny matters. [4] [5]

Conclusion: Safety Without Humanity Isn’t Safety

Lockdowns will always exist in some form; prisons are volatile places, and emergencies happen. The crisis is the normalization of lockdown as routine management, whether driven by pandemic protocols, staffing collapse, overcrowding, contraband economies, or a deeper policy choice to prioritize control over care. The mental-health consequences are predictable, and the rehabilitation costs are measurable in missed education, stalled treatment, and weakened family ties.

Because the United States does not systematically publish lockdown frequency and duration data across jurisdictions, we can’t chart a definitive national curve the way we can for incarceration rates or admissions. But the available evidence strongly suggests the experience of lockdown has intensified since 2020; first through widespread pandemic restrictions documented by BJS and federal oversight, then through persistent staffing and capacity failures that keep prisons from operating normally. Treating this as a humanitarian crisis starts with telling the truth in numbers: track lockdown-days, publish them, and make “days of life” behind bars a metric of accountability alongside safety. [4] [5] [1] [2] [10]

Endnotes

Stateline. Amanda Hernández (December 3, 2024). “State prisons turn to extended lockdowns amid staffing shortages, overcrowding.”
Prison Policy Initiative. Brian Nam-Sonenstein & Emmett Sanders (December 9, 2024). “Why jails and prisons can’t recruit their way out of the understaffing crisis.”
Luigi, M., Dellazizzo, L., Giguère, C.-É., Goulet, M.-H., & Dumais, A. (2020). “Shedding Light on ‘the Hole’: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis on Adverse Psychological Effects and Mortality Following Solitary Confinement in Correctional Settings.” Frontiers in Psychiatry, 11:840.
U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Carson, E. Ann; Nadel, Melissa; & Gaes, Gerry (August 2022; published August 25, 2022). Impact of COVID-19 on State and Federal Prisons, March 2020–February 2021 (NCJ 304500).
U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General (March 2023). Capstone Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Response to the Coronavirus Disease 2019 Pandemic (Report 23-054).
The Marshall Project. Shannon Heffernan & Weihua Li (January 10, 2024). “New Data Shows How Dire the Prison Staffing Shortage Really Is.”
National Institute of Justice (April 6, 2020). “Experts Identify Priority Needs for Addressing Correctional Agency Security Threats.”
RAND Corporation. Davis, L. M., Bozick, R., Steele, J. L., Saunders, J., & Miles, J. N. V. (2013). Evaluating the Effectiveness of Correctional Education: A Meta-Analysis of Programs That Provide Education to Incarcerated Adults (RR-266).
Office of Justice Programs / Federal Probation. Byrne, J. M. (2020/2022). “The Effectiveness of Prison Programming: A Review of the Research Literature Examining the Impact of Federal, State, and Local Inmate Programming on Post-Release Recidivism.”
Prison Policy Initiative. “Data toolbox” (includes guidance and a list of commonly requested data that doesn’t exist in unified form).

Hurts, Hang-Ups, and Habits: An Introduction to Celebrate Recovery

Celebrate Recovery (often called “CR”) is more than a weekly meeting—it’s a Christ-centered pathway for healing, discipleship, and restored relationships. Whether the struggle is addiction, anger, trauma, codependency, or the long aftermath of incarceration, CR offers a safe place to tell the truth and take the next right step—together.

While I was incarcerated one of the programs offered by the chaplain was an introductory course on Celebrate Recovery. There was an AA program at the prison, and I knew a lot of guys who attended because they always had a coffee urn, but CR was different. I had recently read Rick Warren’s Purpose Driven Life book and was looking for concrete information on healing. The old expression says “Time heals all wounds,” but mine weren’t. I was in pain; my hurt wasn’t going away. I was looking for a faith-based program that could provide me with an actionable process to systematically address my brokenness and guide me toward healing.

In this post, we’ll explain what Celebrate Recovery is, what a typical meeting looks like, and why the same CR principles that help people in church communities can also bring real hope behind bars through Celebrate Recovery Inside (CRI), the prison and jail extension of the ministry.

What is Celebrate Recovery?

Celebrate Recovery is a Christ-centered, 12-step recovery program designed to help people find freedom and healing from life’s “hurts, habits, and hang-ups.” It pairs a proven recovery framework (the 12 Steps) with Scripture and eight principles inspired by the Beatitudes (Matthew 5), emphasizing honesty, surrender, confession, growth, accountability, forgiveness, and service.

Celebrate Recovery began in 1991 at Saddleback Church (Lake Forest, California) with a vision for a recovery ministry where people could openly talk about Jesus Christ as their Higher Power; where the church could become a safe place for ongoing healing, not just a place to “have it all together.” What started as a single meeting has since grown into thousands of groups in churches and ministries across the U.S. and beyond.

Who is Celebrate Recovery for?

One of the most common misunderstandings about CR is that it’s only for alcohol or drugs. It’s for anyone who recognizes a pattern that’s hurting their relationship with God, others, and themselves. People often come to CR for things like:

Substance use and addiction (alcohol, drugs)
Compulsive behaviors (pornography, gambling, overspending, food issues)
Anger, control, perfectionism, people-pleasing
Codependency and unhealthy relationships
Grief, trauma, abuse, family dysfunction
Shame, anxiety, depression, and the isolating behaviors that often come with them

Celebrate Recovery in a prison or jail context: Celebrate Recovery Inside (CRI)

Celebrate Recovery Inside (often shortened to CRI) is the prison and jail extension of Celebrate Recovery. It brings the same Christ-centered recovery pathway into correctional facilities. Many churches describe CRI as a natural “bridge” between the institution and the community, because when someone is released, they can often find a Celebrate Recovery meeting close to home and continue the journey with support rather than isolation.

Organizations that work in corrections note that CRI can address a wide range of life-controlling issues: alcohol and drug addiction, gambling, overeating, and more by dealing thoughtfully with the underlying hurts, hang-ups, and habits that often sit beneath the surface. Prison Fellowship, for example, partners with Celebrate Recovery to bring CR into incarcerated settings as part of larger life-transformation efforts, helping men and women grow spiritually and pursue freedom and new patterns of living.

Depending on the facility, CRI is often run as a structured series. The U.S. Federal Bureau of Prisons’ volunteer listings describe Celebrate Recovery Inside as a 25-week Christ-centered recovery program with three core components—worship, step study, and open share groups—recommended weekly for about 90 minutes per session, using participant guides that walk-through lessons, questions, group guidelines, and the CR principles and steps.

What’s different “on the inside” (and why structure matters)

Recovery groups inside a facility operate within clear institutional boundaries and that structure can support growth. Many CRI ministries emphasize the same small-group guidelines used in community CR (sharing your own experience, no crosstalk, no fixing, confidentiality), while also honoring facility safety requirements and the reality that confidentiality has limits if someone threatens harm to self or others.

Why CRI matters: hope, accountability, and a reentry bridge

One theme that shows up repeatedly in CRI descriptions is identity: instead of being defined by an inmate number, an offense, or an addiction, participants are invited to be defined by what Christ can do in a life surrendered to Him. Prison Fellowship highlights how Celebrate Recovery Inside can help participants begin the process of making amends and strengthening relationships, including family relationships—while learning to live differently. Local church partners also emphasize that CRI can create a practical transition back into the community because CR groups exist in so many towns and cities.

For churches and ministries, CRI also creates a meaningful way to serve. Trained volunteers partner with chaplains and facility leadership to show up consistently, model healthy boundaries, and speak hope. And because CR uses a shared language (principles, steps, sponsor/accountability, daily inventory), it can continue after release—when temptation, stress, and old environments often hit hardest.

What happens at a typical Celebrate Recovery night?

While every church is a little different, most CR ministries follow a consistent rhythm designed to be welcoming to newcomers and safe for honest sharing. Many locations offer a “general meeting night” that includes worship, teaching or testimony, and then small groups. Some also include a meal or fellowship time, childcare (when available), and a clear welcome moment that helps new attendees feel oriented without pressure.

1) Large Group

The large group hour commonly includes prayer, worship music, reading the CR principles/steps, and either a lesson or a personal testimony. Some groups also include a chip ceremony to celebrate milestones.

2) Open Share Small Groups

After large group, participants typically break into gender-specific open share groups (often also organized by issue area). This is where people share what’s really going on—without being interrupted, “fixed,” or judged. Confidentiality is a core expectation, and groups use guidelines to keep sharing safe and respectful.

3) Step Studies (deeper work during the week)

Many people eventually join a Step Study—a smaller, closed group (usually meeting on another night) that works through CR materials more deeply. Step Studies are where participants slow down, process their story, practice new tools, and build consistent accountability.

The heart of CR: 8 Principles and 12 Steps

CR is built on two complementary tracks: the 12 Steps (adapted to be explicitly Christ-centered) and eight recovery principles rooted in Jesus’ teaching in the Beatitudes. Together, they offer a structured path that moves from denial to honesty, from isolation to community, and from broken patterns to new life.

Celebrate Recovery describes this journey not only as recovery, but as a road that leads to salvation and discipleship—a practical, day-by-day way to learn surrender, obedience, honesty, and dependence on Jesus. In other words: it’s spiritual formation with traction, especially for people who have tried “willpower” and found it isn’t enough.

In many CR materials, each principle is paired with a Beatitude, and each step is paired with Scripture—helping participants see that recovery isn’t a side project to faith; it is part of learning to live the new life Christ offers.

Realize I’m not God; I admit I’m powerless and my life has become unmanageable.
Believe God exists, I matter to Him, and He has power to help me recover.
Choose to commit my life and will to Christ’s care and control.
Examine myself honestly and face the truth about my past and my patterns.
Confess my hurts, hang-ups, and habits to God and to someone I trust.
Submit to the changes God wants to make and ask Him to remove my defects of character.
Make amends by forgiving others and taking responsibility for my harm when it won’t cause further injury.
Give back by continuing to grow daily and sharing hope with others.

Celebrate Recovery vs. Alcoholics Anonymous (AA): what’s the difference?

Celebrate Recovery and Alcoholics Anonymous have a lot in common: both are peer-led, group-based recovery communities that use a 12-step framework and emphasize honesty, accountability, and helping others. The differences matter, though—especially for someone that is deciding where to start (or what to recommend to a friend or family member).

Category	Alcoholics Anonymous (AA)	Celebrate Recovery (CR)
Primary focus	Alcohol addiction and sobriety support specifically.	“Hurts, habits, and hang-ups” (a wider range of struggles, including addictions, compulsions, relational patterns, and trauma-related issues).
Spiritual language	Refers to “God as we understood Him” and a “Power greater than ourselves,” leaving room for different faith backgrounds.	Explicitly Christ-centered and Bible-based; the steps are written to name Jesus Christ and Scripture as the foundation.
Core framework	The 12 Steps and 12 Traditions, as practiced in AA meetings worldwide.	The 12 Steps (Christ-centered wording) plus 8 Recovery Principles rooted in Jesus’ teaching in the Beatitudes.
Materials	AA literature (including the “Big Book”) is commonly used alongside meetings.	CR curriculum and participant guides/step-study materials are commonly used, especially in Step Studies and CR Inside contexts.
Meeting types	Varies by group (open, closed, speaker, discussion, etc.), generally centered on sobriety and step work.	Often includes worship + lesson/testimony + gender-specific open share groups; many ministries also offer closed Step Studies for deeper work.

Both AA and Celebrate Recovery have helped countless people take steps toward freedom. If you’re looking for a Christ-explicit environment with worship and a broad focus beyond alcohol, Celebrate Recovery may be a strong fit. If you’re looking for a sobriety-specific fellowship with flexible spiritual language and frequent meeting availability in many communities, AA may be a strong fit. In many cases, people benefit from participating in both while also receiving pastoral care, counseling, or clinical treatment as needed.

What to expect if you’re new

Walking into any recovery space for the first time can feel intimidating. Here are a few things that are typically true at most Celebrate Recovery meetings:

You can come as you are. You don’t need to have the “right words,” and you don’t have to share on your first night.
It’s okay to pass. In open share groups, people are usually invited—but never forced—to speak.
Confidentiality matters. The goal is to create a safe place where honesty is possible.
No one is there to “fix” you. Sharing is about telling your own story and listening with respect, not giving advice.
It’s peer support, not clinical counseling. Many people also benefit from pastors, licensed counselors, medical care, or treatment programs alongside CR.

An invitation: you don’t have to do this alone

At its core, Celebrate Recovery is a place where people stop pretending, start telling the truth, and learn how to walk—one day at a time in the healing power of Jesus Christ. If you’re carrying hurts you can’t outthink, a habit you can’t break, or a hang-up you can’t hide anymore, CR offers something many of us desperately need: community, clarity, and the next right step.

How you can engage with Celebrate Recovery

There are a few simple ways you can take the next step whether you’re seeking help, walking alongside someone who is, or sensing a call to serve people impacted by incarceration.

Visit a meeting. Consider attending a local Celebrate Recovery gathering to observe the format and see if it’s a fit for you. You can simply listen and learn.
Commit to the process. If you’re ready for deeper change, ask about a Step Study—consistent, guided work in a smaller group.
Support a returning citizen. Reentry is a vulnerable season. Encouragement, rides, accountability, and a welcoming church community can make a huge difference.
Serve “on the inside.” If you have a heart for jail/prison ministry, explore opportunities to volunteer in approved programs like Celebrate Recovery Inside, in partnership with chaplains and facility staff.
Pray and partner. Pray for healing, protection, and perseverance for participants and leaders—and consider how your church or small group could come alongside this work.

If you’re curious, consider visiting a local meeting as a quiet first step. You can simply listen, take in the format, and decide what you want to do next. If you’ve been impacted by incarceration—personally or through someone you love—remember that healing often includes both internal work (new patterns, new identity, new habits) and community support (people who will walk with you when life gets loud). Healing rarely happens in isolation—and you’re allowed to start small.

No matter your story, Jesus is not intimidated by it. Celebrate Recovery simply gives us a place to bring what’s true into the light—so grace can do what it does best: restore what’s been broken and teach us how to live free.

For more information about Celebrate Recovery or where you can find a meeting visit their website at https://celebraterecovery.com/.

If you are interested in learning more about the prison based Celebrate Recovery Inside program, I would recommend checking out the CRI Newsletter Facebook Page at https://www.facebook.com/CRInsideNews.

April Is Second Chance Month: Why It Matters More Than Ever

Every April, communities across the United States pause to recognize a powerful truth: No one should be defined forever by their worst mistake. April is Second Chance Month, a nationwide effort to raise awareness of the barriers facing people with criminal records and to promote policies and practices that support successful reentry, restoration, and community safety.

A Movement Rooted in Dignity and Opportunity

Second Chance Month was founded in 2017 by Prison Fellowship, the nation’s largest Christian nonprofit serving currently and formerly incarcerated people and their families. The initiative highlights a sobering reality: nearly 1 in 3 American adults has a criminal record, and many face lifelong obstacles long after completing their sentence. These barriers now numbering close to 44,000 legal restrictions nationwide, can limit access to employment, housing, education, and even basic civic participation.

Over the years, Second Chance Month has grown into a broad, bipartisan movement. Presidential proclamations have been issued consistently since 2018, and the United States Senate has repeatedly passed resolutions recognizing April as Second Chance Month. By 2025, 27 states joined more than 1,100 Churches, Employers, and Community partners in formally recognizing the month and calling attention to the need for meaningful second chances.

Why Second Chances Are a Public Safety Issue

Reentry is often framed as charity or social service, but research and experience show it is a core public safety strategy. Nearly 95% of incarcerated people will eventually return home, with approximately 600,000 people released from state and federal prisons each year, along with millions more from local jails.

The period immediately following release is especially critical. When individuals lack stable housing, health care, employment, or community support, the risk of recidivism increases—not just harming individuals and families, but entire communities.

Organizations like the Crime and Justice Institute (CJI) emphasize that the most effective reentry efforts align multiple systems from day one:

Housing and employment
Behavioral health care
Community supervision
Family and community supports

When these systems work together, beginning before and continuing through the early months after release; public safety improves, costs decrease, and people have a genuine opportunity to rebuild their lives.

A Personal Story Behind the Statistics

While the numbers are compelling, the heart of Second Chance Month lies in individual lives.

In a powerful reflection shared during Second Chance Month, Michelle Cirocco, a nonprofit executive and formerly incarcerated woman, describes the reaction she often receives when she shares her past: surprise. Despite her professional success, people struggle to reconcile her accomplishments with her history of incarceration.

Her message is clear: she is not the exception. She represents what happens when opportunity meets accountability, support, and belief in human potential. Millions of others, she reminds us, are still waiting for that same chance—not to be extraordinary, but simply to be seen as human.

Second Chance Month challenges the damaging assumption that people behind bars are a permanent “other.” Instead, it calls us to recognize what has always been true: People are more than the worst thing they have done.

Faith, Forgiveness, and Restoration

For many faith communities, Second Chance Month is deeply rooted in spiritual principles of Redemption, Mercy, and Reconciliation. Churches across the country observe Second Chance Sunday in April, offering prayer and support for people impacted by crime and incarceration.

Moving From Awareness to Action

As leaders from across Christian traditions have emphasized, there is no theological basis for stripping someone of dignity after they have paid their debt. Restoration of Individuals, Families, and Communities is both a moral calling and a practical necessity.

Second Chance Month is about more than recognition—it is a call to action.

Policymakers are encouraged to:

Sustain funding for evidence-based reentry programs
Promote cross-agency coordination

Practitioners are urged to:

Focus resources on the critical early months after release
Use data-informed, individualized approaches

Funders and partners are called to:

Invest in systemwide solutions, not isolated programs
Support scaling what works

And Communities including employers, churches, and civic leaders can play a transformative role by offering opportunity instead of judgment.

Michigan’s Success Story

In 2018 Michigan governor Rick Snyder declared April 2018 to be Second Chance Month. Since that time Michigan has made progress and is addressing the needs of returning citizens in statistically meaningful and tangible ways. Recidivism rates have been reduced significantly as the Michigan Department of Corrections has increased its focus on Housing and Employment, Behavioral health care, Community supervision, and Family and Community support through its Offender Success Reentry Services program. Offender Success, formerly known as the Michigan Prisoner Re-Entry Initiative, is a public-private partnership that relies on unprecedented collaboration and teamwork between state agencies, human service providers, the faith-based community and private companies who share a vested interest in safer communities and opportunities for all.

Offender Success is a public safety program based on 20 years of research on what works to help returning citizens succeed. By providing needed support, resources and tools, we create safer communities, a better economy and increased quality of life for returning citizens and their families. Offender Success is a hand-up, not a hand-out.

Evidence-Based Programs

Research has shown that evidence-based cognitive programming helps reduce future risk. Programs include Violence Prevention Programming and Cognitive Behavioral Therapy. OS Staff develop and monitor these programs, while also ensuring that prisoners are properly placed in these programs based on their parole board jurisdiction date. OS also works with counties throughout the state to provide evidence-based support to probationers through Community Corrections

The Offender Success Administration is housed within the MDOC’s Executive Office and has staff at prisons throughout the state. Staff members include educators, school staff, institutional parole agents, specialists, and analysts who oversee various programs within the prisons and contracted services in the community. The goal of this diverse group of professionals is to foster change and success for those in prison, as well as those on parole or probation.

There are four Major Areas of Focus: Evidence-based Programs, Education, In-Reach, and Community Supports for Parolees.

Education

Michigan is a national leader in correctional education and operates a school at each prison. Schools teach academic (high school equivalency), special education, and career and technical education programs. The MDOC also operates three Vocational Villages, which are the most immersive prison vocational programs in the nation, training students in high-demand trades. The MDOC also partners with a variety of colleges and universities that provide post-secondary classes and degrees to those in prison.

In-Reach

Serving as the bridge between incarceration and the community, In-Reach is utilized by the parole board to provide a more focused opportunity to plan for reentry with the support of dedicated staff.

Community Supports for Parolees

Part of ensuring public safety and personal success is providing necessary supports, such as stable housing, basic supplies, or assistance finding or maintaining a job. The MDOC contracts with 10 regional administrative agencies that provide this assistance and more to eligible parolees throughout the state. Offender Success also oversees a mentoring program for those who are on parole, connecting them with those that have successfully gone through the criminal justice system as a positive peer support.

A Chapter, Not the Whole Book

Second Chance Month reminds us that a past mistake should be a chapter in someone’s story, not the end of it. When we remove unnecessary barriers, align systems, and choose dignity over stigma, we don’t just help individuals succeed. We build safer, stronger, and more compassionate communities for everyone. Let’s commit to seeing the person behind the record and to unlocking second chances that truly last.

“If—” Behind Bars: How Christian Faith Rewrites Strength, Failure, and Hope in Prison

Rudyard Kipling’s poem “If—” has long been admired as a guide to character. It celebrates calm under pressure, self-control amid chaos, and the ability to endure loss without bitterness. For many people, the poem represents maturity—becoming someone who can stand tall no matter what life throws their way. Written for a free person navigating life’s trials, its ideals feel aspirational and dignified. But what happens when those ideals are placed behind concrete walls and metal bars? What does “If—” look like in prison, and how does the Christian faith reinterpret both suffering and strength in that context? Examining prison through a Christian perspective alongside Kipling’s poem reveals both striking parallels and meaningful tensions—especially around dignity, endurance, failure, and hope.

Dignity in the Midst of Suffering

Prison is a place where endurance is not optional, dignity is often challenged, and time stretches in ways few people outside can understand. Many incarcerated men and women recognize themselves in Kipling’s descriptions of being blamed, misunderstood, or forced to keep going when everything inside feels exhausted. Yet prison also exposes something Kipling’s poem does not fully address: the limits of self-made strength. Christian faith meets people precisely at that breaking point—not with condemnation, but with truth, grace, and hope. The Apostle Paul wrote to the Corinthian church that was facing intense persecution and physical suffering:

“Therefore, we do not lose heart. Though outwardly we are wasting away, yet inwardly we are being renewed day by day.” (2 Corinthians 4:16)

This passage often prompts believers to focus on eternal rather than temporary things. When read alongside the gospel, “If—” becomes a doorway into a deeper conversation about suffering, guilt, forgiveness, identity, and redemption.

Endurance in a Place That Breaks the Will

Kipling begins by calling the reader to “keep your head when all about you are losing theirs.” To endure being blamed, doubted, lied about, or misunderstood. That kind of composure is admired—and necessary—in prison. Conflict, noise, tension, and uncertainty are constant companions. The pressure to react, retaliate, or harden oneself is always present. Prison life amplifies these pressures. Incarceration strips away autonomy, reputation, and often identity itself. One’s past actions are reduced to a number and a file.

The Bible understands endurance, but it frames it differently. Scripture does not praise endurance for its own sake. It honors perseverance that is shaped by faith:

“Blessed is the one who perseveres under trial because, having stood the test, that person will receive the crown of life.” (James 1:12)

Unlike the poem, which pictures a person standing alone through sheer discipline, Christianity teaches that endurance is sustained by God’s presence.

For many in prison, endurance does not look heroic. It looks like getting through the day without giving in to anger, despair, or hopelessness. Faith says that even this quiet endurance matters—and that God sees it. Endurance is not about appearing strong. It is about surviving spiritually in a place designed to break the human will.

Christian theology also reframes endurance not merely as stoic self-mastery but as participation in suffering. Scripture repeatedly portrays endurance as something God meets with presence, not just something humans conquer alone. Where Kipling celebrates the individual who quietly withstands loss, Christianity emphasizes God who enters suffering with the prisoner—seen most clearly in Christ’s unjust arrest, trial, and execution.

Failure, Guilt, and Starting Again

One of the most celebrated lines in “If—” speaks of losing everything and starting again “at your beginnings.” In the poem, Kipling’s speaker assumes moral innocence: loss comes through chance, risk, or external failure. Prison disrupts this assumption. Incarceration is usually the consequence of wrongdoing. Prison confronts people with real guilt. Mistakes have names, faces, and consequences.

This is also where Christian faith diverges sharply from Kipling’s vision. Christianity does not ignore this reality:

“All have sinned and fall short of the glory of God.” (Romans 3:23)

But Christianity also refuses to believe that failure defines a person forever: Christianity does not deny failure; it names it clearly as sin. But it also insists that no failure is final. Repentance, forgiveness, and transformation are central Christian claims. For the incarcerated person, starting again is not just rebuilding after loss, it is rebuilding after wrong.

In this sense, prison becomes a place where the Christian message of grace is not theoretical. Redemption must confront real harm, real victims, and real consequences. Hope becomes deeper because it is harder earned.

Identity: Self-Made or God-Given?

“If—” assumes that character is forged purely through discipline and personal resolve. The poem’s ideal person stands tall through sheer moral strength, eventually “owning the Earth.”

Prison challenges that worldview. Many incarcerated people discover the limits of self-mastery precisely because isolation exposes inner fractures—addiction, anger, fear, shame. Christianity answers this not by demanding greater self-control alone, but by offering a new identity rooted in being a child of God, not merely a moral achiever.

“Therefore, if anyone is in Christ, the new creation has come: The old has gone, the new is here!” (2 Corinthians 5:17)

Where Kipling’s vision culminates in becoming “a Man,” Christianity points toward becoming new—a new creation grounded in grace rather than accomplishment. A profound spiritual regeneration, not just behavior modification. This distinction matters profoundly in prison, where past identity constantly threatens to eclipse present humanity.

Time, Stillness, and Spiritual Formation

Kipling speaks of filling every minute with purposeful effort. Prison, by contrast, imposes long stretches of stillness. Time becomes heavy, repetitive, and often oppressive.

From a Christian perspective, this stillness can become formative rather than wasted. Solitude, reflection, confession, and prayer—practices often avoided in free society—become unavoidable. While prison is not inherently redemptive, Christian faith insists God can work within constrained time as powerfully as in active achievement.

“Be still and know that I am God.” (Psalms 46-10)

This verse comes from a psalm that highlights God as a “refuge and strength” amidst scenes of war and natural disasters, emphasizing that God is in control. Thus, prison becomes a paradoxical space: externally unproductive, internally transformative.

Hope Beyond Freedom

Kipling’s reward is mastery of the world. Christianity’s promise runs deeper: hope that survives even if earthly freedom never comes. For Christians in prison, dignity is not restored by release alone but by knowing they are seen, known, and loved beyond the prison system.

“Praise be to the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ! In his great mercy he has given us new birth into a living hope through the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead, and into an inheritance that can never perish, spoil or fade. This inheritance is kept in heaven for you.” (1 Peter 1:3-4)

Christian hope is the confident, joyful expectation of future good based on God’s character and the resurrection of Jesus Christ, rather than mere optimism. It is anchored in the “empty tomb,” promising resurrection, eternal life, and the renewal of creation. This hope serves as an anchor for the soul, providing endurance through suffering and security in God’s faithfulness. In this way, the “victory” envisioned by Christian faith is not escape, but faithfulness.

Conclusion

“If—” read in the context of prison and Christian perspective becomes a layered meditation: on interior discipline in adversity, on truth and repentance as foundations for moral renewal, and on suffering as both trial and possible conduit for spiritual growth. Kipling’s virtues—temperance, courage, humility, resilience—when yoked to Christian love and a theology that refuses to romanticize incarceration, offer a framework for inmates to endure, transform, and witness to hope that transcends walls.

While the poem offers a noble vision of human resilience, when read alongside the reality of prison, it reveals its limits. Christian faith does not replace discipline or endurance; it reshapes them. It allows strength to coexist with confession, hope with accountability, and dignity with humility. Behind bars, the ultimate test is not whether one can stand tall alone—but whether one can be transformed when standing is no longer possible.

OLD SCHOOL

While in prison I met a lot of men that required assistance in the form of wheelchairs, walkers or canes to get around. Most of these had chronic, debilitating conditions requiring daily trips to medical to receive restricted medications and frequent offsite medical appointments. Life behind bars is tough and there isn’t any sympathy or relief from the extra challenges of getting around in a large prison compound. Come rain or shine med line callouts meant waiting outside in long lines to receive medications. Wheelchair bound inmates were assigned a wheelchair pusher to assist them with getting to appointments and meals. (Whether they showed up to do their jobs is another story.) Those with walkers or canes were on their own.

Going out of the facility for transfers or medical appointment meant belly chains and wrist & leg shackles regardless of whether you might be considered a flight risk. I had to go to the prison hospital in Jackson several times for doctor’s appointments and witnessed first-hand the pain and suffering that the sickest, frailest inmates endured to receive health care. In many ways I was blessed and fortunate to avoid illness or injury that resulted in permanent disability. For some it was a never-ending nightmare. In prison inmates have no control of their situation, and access to medical services doesn’t guarantee treatment.

I knew several inmates who had suffered medical emergencies like strokes or heart attacks. Some I knew had received traumatic injuries in fights or sports. One guy I met was suffering from liver failure and after completing his sentence with the MDOC was being held on a detainer from another state. He was looking forward to going to Ohio because there he would be eligible for a liver transplant. Prisoners in the MDOC are not allowed on the waiting lists for organ transplants. Most of the handicapped inmates I knew didn’t arrive in prison that way. I have watched a bunkie go from being an able-bodied lifer working in the kitchen to being wheelchair bound in a matter of weeks because of a change of medication ordered, not by his doctor but by a bureaucrat because there was a cheaper but less effective COPD medication available. Having life threatening conditions may not necessarily mean that you will receive treatment or that it might be changed to a lower cost, less effective treatment with devastating effects.

Much of how prisons operate today is based on systems developed over 100 years. Change is always slow in coming to large systems designed around a single concept- Inmates are in prison in order to “protect” the public. Prison sentences have grown longer in the last 50 years in response to public outcries and political rhetoric. Social and medical science have had little impact on these often secretive and deliberately cruel institutions. Lawsuits have had more impact on changes in prison policy and procedure than enlightened public opinion or governmental policy. “Tough on crime” legislation increased sentence guidelines and in very few cases have they been reduced, regardless of the nearly universal agreement of researchers that it hasn’t achieved the desire effect. That the human and financial costs to society are far higher than the return on investment.

Going to jail and prison are very stressful events. In my mid 40’s when I was arrested, I did not have gray hair. By the time I completed my sentence in my early 50’s my hair was turning gray. Incarceration means more than just losing your freedom, it is a complete loss of control. You no longer have a say about what happens to you. Isolation, confinement, poor nutrition, sleep deprivation, and violence all play a role in breaking you down mentally, physically and spiritually, Hours turn into days. Days turn into months. Months turn into years. Everything you once had is lost. The present is dark and scary. The future is so far away that it is unknowable. In Prison time moves slowly but inmates age faster than on the outside.

While in prison I walked the track, even ran and worked out in the weight pit some. There were sport leagues for softball, basketball and volleyball. We got out of our cells and cubes as often as we could to get fresh air and exercise. I read books from the library in order to allow my mind to visit far away places, study new ideas or work on my self improvement and spirituality. I looked forward to weekly calls home and wrote letters and created my own greeting cards. I participated in any available programming offered that I thought would look good to the parole board. But while all those things did help with the daily stresses of life behind bars, it wasn’t enough.

Prison food is legendarily awful. Most people lose a lot of weight while in jail and prison because of the inadequate portions and poor nutritional quality. Supplementing caloric intake from the store is expensive and the options are not healthy, mostly carbs and sugar. While I was at Mid-Michigan Correctional in St. Louis, MI, I even had to contend with polluted drinking water. Reports of cancers, kidney failure and other health issues that did not exist in individuals before going there have been reported, due to exposure to contaminated well water that the prison used. There have been lawsuits brought against the MDOC for food and water, but there has been little if any positive change.

That being said there are a few items worth mentioning regarding legislative changes both recent and proposed here in Michigan, that are reflective of the conclusions drawn by researchers both in the US and internationally regarding the effects that incarceration has on individuals serving time. With the help of AI I have compiled the following overview regarding the effect that prison has on the aging of those incarcerated. To put this in context. Prison populations in Michigan and across the nation have risen dramatically since the 1980s because of longer prison sentences that legislatures enacted. Now many of those incarcerated are serving indeterminate sentences that we refer to as basketball scores. Sentences that amount to life without the possibility of parole by another name.

Accelerated Aging in Prison: Michigan in National and International Context

A substantial body of medical, gerontological, and social science research demonstrates that incarceration is associated with accelerated aging. Each year spent incarcerated is associated with an estimated two‑year reduction in life expectancy. Incarcerated individuals experience earlier onset of chronic disease, functional impairment, cognitive decline, and reduced life expectancy compared to the general population. As a result, people in prison are often considered physiologically 10–15 years older than their chronological age. ¹ ²

This phenomenon has direct relevance for Michigan, where a growing share of the prison population is older and medically complex, and where recent policy reforms acknowledge—though only partially address—the implications of aging behind bars.

Health and Aging in Prison

Across U.S. and international studies, incarcerated adults show:

Earlier onset of geriatric conditions, including mobility limitations, sensory impairment, incontinence, and cognitive decline. ³
High levels of multimorbidity at younger ages than seen in the general population. ⁴
Elevated mortality risk and reduced life expectancy associated with time spent incarcerated. ⁵

Researchers consistently identify several drivers: cumulative life-course disadvantage prior to incarceration; chronic stress, deprivation, and loss of autonomy during imprisonment; delayed or inadequate healthcare; and prison environments designed for younger, able-bodied populations. ² ³

Michigan’s Policy Response

Michigan has explicitly recognized the challenges posed by an aging prison population and has enacted limited reforms.

Medically Frail Parole (Senate Bill 599, Public Act 111 of 2024):

Expanded eligibility for parole is based on serious medical conditions, terminal illness, or severe functional impairment.
Permits release to any parole-board–approved placement, including private homes or hospice care, rather than only licensed medical facilities.
Retains restrictive criteria focused on medical severity, low assessed risk, and minimal threat to public safety. ⁶ ⁷

Proposed Second Look Sentencing:

Would allow judicial review of long sentences after substantial time served.
Remains under consideration and has not yet been enacted. ⁸

Assessment:

Michigan’s approach reflects a narrow, medicalized model. While SB 599 improves access to compassionate release for the most seriously ill individuals, the state largely continues to manage aging inside prison rather than broadly reassessing long sentences for older adults. I knew several inmates who tried to apply for compassionate release due to the diagnosis of terminal diseases. Only one received his compassionate release, but still died in prison before he could be released.

Comparison with Other U.S. States

State approaches to aging in prison vary considerably:

More expansive models (e.g., California, New York):
- Provide “elder parole” or age-plus–time-served eligibility.
- Do not require terminal illness or profound disability. ⁹ ¹⁰
Restrictive models (including Michigan historically):
- Rely primarily on medical or compassionate release with narrow eligibility and low utilization. ⁷

Michigan’s position:

Recent reforms move Michigan away from the most restrictive end of the spectrum, but it remains closer to “medically frail only” systems than to states that treat advanced age and lengthy incarceration itself as grounds for sentence review. One issue that I am aware of is that while there is a process in place to make the determination of whether or not compassionate release is warranted there was no timeframe required to make the determination, which allows MDOC staff responsible for making the determination to sit on the paperwork until it becomes a moot point.

Michigan does not have “good time” or any other behavior-based system to shorten sentences to less than the Earliest Release Date. Therefore, it is not possible to go before the parole board for consideration of mitigating factors that could be taken into account in determining whether an inmate would pose a risk if paroled back into the community. Much has been said about “aging out of crime” research that shows that as people age, they tend to take fewer risks and are less likely to commit crimes in their 30s than when they were in their teens or 20s. So, for those that received long sentences based on sentencing guidelines may actually become less of a threat to society as they mature. This was acknowledged in the “juvenile life without possibility of parole” controversy where courts were ordered to resentance juvenile lifers taking their prison records into account.

Prison is a dangerous place and being older can make an inmate a target for theft, exploitation, extortion and violence. This can be especially true for older or handicapped inmates serving time for sex offenses. Sex offenders are seen as the lowest of the low and are singled out for abuse for no other reason. While sex offenses are by definition violent crimes, that doesn’t mean that the perpetrator is a violent person capable of defending themselves from gang members. Most inmates are in General Population where both violent and non-violent offenders are housed together. It isn’t possible to segregate inmate populations based on which ones are serious about going home and those that are only there on “vacation.” The violence in prison follows the same age related curve as in society. Having been assaulted twice I know how that can affect a person. Prison is no place for the weak and defenseless but there are too many there that are just that. People to weak to pose a threat to society but are unable to be considered for any type of “unfitness for prison” designation as some other countries have.

International Comparison (United Kingdom and Europe)

International research and policy frameworks generally adopt a different orientation:

Aging in prison is framed primarily as a human rights and dignity issue, not solely a healthcare problem. ¹¹
Release decisions often focus on whether continued detention is compatible with frailty, severe disability, or cognitive impairment, rather than on diagnosis alone. ¹²
Greater reliance on shorter sentences, non-custodial sanctions, and compassionate release reduces the number of people aging in custody. ¹¹
Universal or integrated healthcare systems facilitate continuity of care following release. ¹³

Compared with these models, Michigan—like most U.S. states—places greater emphasis on managing aging within prison rather than structurally limiting long-term incarceration of older adults.

Comparative Approaches to Aging and Release from Prison

Dimension	Michigan (MDOC & State Law)	Other U.S. States	International Models (UK / Europe)
Primary mechanism for older or infirm prisoners	Medically frail parole under SB 599 (Public Act 111 of 2024); proposed but unenacted Second Look Sentencing¹²	Mix of medical parole, geriatric/elder parole, resentencing, and executive clemency; scope varies widely by state³⁴	Compassionate or medical release combined with generally shorter sentences and broader use of non‑custodial sanctions⁵⁶
Trigger for release	Serious or terminal medical condition, severe functional impairment, dementia, minimal public‑safety risk¹	Often age plus time served (e.g., 50–65 years old with 10–25+ years served), sometimes without terminal illness requirement³⁷	Terminal illness, severe disability, or determination that continued detention is incompatible with dignity or human‑rights standards⁵⁸
Placement after release	Any parole‑board–approved placement, including private homes or hospice (expanded by SB 599)¹	Some states require placement in licensed medical facilities; others allow home or community placement³	Typically home, hospice, or community care settings, often integrated with national health systems⁶⁹
Definition of eligibility	Narrow and medicalized: diagnosis‑ and impairment‑based; age alone is insufficient¹²	Highly variable; some states recognize “geriatric” status by age, others rely almost exclusively on medical criteria³⁴	Often framed as “unfitness for imprisonment” or disproportionate punishment, rather than age or diagnosis alone⁵⁸
Overall policy orientation	Incremental and restrictive; focuses on releasing only the sickest individuals while most age and die in prison¹²	Patchwork system: ranges from expansive elder‑parole frameworks to rarely used medical release mechanisms³⁴	Greater emphasis on proportionality, dignity, and limiting long‑term incarceration of frail or elderly people⁵⁶

Key Takeaways

Research consensus: Prisons are aging-accelerating environments.
Michigan: Acknowledges accelerated aging but relies on narrow, medically driven release mechanisms.
Other U.S. states: Offer a patchwork ranging from restrictive medical parole to broader elder-parole systems.
International models: Emphasize proportionality, dignity, and reduced reliance on incarceration for older and frail individuals.

Bottom line:
Michigan has made incremental progress but compared with more expansive U.S. reforms and international approaches, it continues to prioritize selective medical release over broader reassessment of long sentences and the appropriateness of incarcerating older adults.

The research also shows that the effects of aging in prison are not easily mitigated after parole. These are life expectancy shortening, quality of life issues that are the unintended consequences of incarceration. In a society solely focused on retribution rather than rehabilitation and reconciliation there needs to be more discussion, not based on emotions but rather on scientific evidence to guide decision making. There needs to be less of a proscribed one-size-fits-all approach to sentencing guidelines and more of an individual evaluation of whether or not a person is still considered a threat to society. Give the parole and clemency boards the ability to determine if the time spent in prison has resulted in meaningful and measurable reform. Provide more structural support during parole to ensure the successful reintegration back into society. All of these things together would reduce prison populations and minimize this aging effect, thereby reducing long term costs associated with incarceration and medical care.

Footnotes

Berg, M. T. et al., Losing Years Doing Time: Incarceration Exposure and Accelerated Biological Aging, Journal of Health and Social Behavior (2021).
Doherty, E. E. et al., Examining the Relationship Between Incarceration and Healthy Aging, Journal of Developmental and Life‑Course Criminology (2025).
Prison Policy Initiative, Graying Prisons: States Face Challenges of an Aging Inmate Population (2018).
American College of Physicians, Health Care Implications of the Rapidly Aging Incarcerated Population.
ACLU & Prison and Jail Innovation Lab, Trapped in Time: The Silent Crisis of Elderly Incarceration (2025).
Michigan Legislature, Senate Bill 599 (Public Act 111 of 2024).
Michigan Allows More Releases for Medically Frail Prisoners, Prison Legal News (2025).
WCMU Public Media, reporting on proposed Second Look Sentencing legislation.
National Conference of State Legislatures, analysis of elder parole statutes (cited in The Marshall Project, 2026).
Davis Vanguard, Debate Grows Over Elder Parole Bill in New York (2026).
Prison Reform Trust, Growing Old in Prison (UK).
UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, submissions on older persons deprived of liberty.
Gavin, P. et al., Healthcare and Social Care Needs of Older Prisoners in England and Wales, Social Sciences (2025).

Table Footnotes

Michigan Legislature, Senate Bill 599 (Public Act 111 of 2024), amending medically frail parole eligibility.
Michigan Allows More Releases for Medically Frail Prisoners, Prison Legal News (2025).
National Conference of State Legislatures, surveys of elder‑parole and geriatric‑release statutes (cited in The Marshall Project, 2026).
How States Are Grappling With an Aging Prison Population, The Marshall Project (2026).
Prison Reform Trust, Growing Old in Prison (UK).
Gavin et al., Healthcare and Social Care Needs of Older Prisoners in England and Wales, Social Sciences (2025).
Davis Vanguard, Debate Grows Over Elder Parole Bill in New York (2026).
UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, submissions on older persons deprived of liberty and compatibility of detention with human‑rights standards.
Penal Reform International, Global Prison Trends and European prison‑health integration analyses.

What’s in a name?

William Shakespeare asked that question in Romeo & Juliet. “What’s in a name? That which we call a rose by any other name would smell as sweet.” Juliet was not allowed to associate with Romeo because he was a Montague. If he had any other name, it would have been fine. She was complaining that his name is meaningless. If the rose had any other name, it would still be the same. So, with Romeo- he would still be the same beautiful young man even if he had a different name.¹

Our name is how we are identified from birth. It represents us conceptually to others. Hearing someone’s name that we know often brings their face, personality, or character to mind. We can remember conversations, funny anecdotes, or life encounters that inform our opinion of who they are. When we hear a stranger’s name it is just a name until we have information to associate with it. Information may come in the form of gossip passed along from another person, social media viewed online, or news reports.

Back in the day before the internet, employers would review applications and resumes to screen for potential job candidates. Calls or letters would be sent to verify employment history. References would be contacted to gain information necessary to inform the hiring process. Businesses routinely run background checks on job candidates and active employees to determine if they should be disqualified from employment opportunities. Once I was fingerprinted because the FBI had to check to ensure that I did not have any mafia connections when I applied to work as the lab manager at a landfill.

Modern hiring practices have changed significantly because of the potential of litigation regarding the release of information that could be considered negative regarding a former employee. Your previous employer will now only confirm that an individual worked for the company. To get information, many employers have turned to third party companies that collect massive amounts of information about individuals from a wide variety of companies and government agencies that have commoditized their vast databases. Information about credit worthiness, social media posts, along with court filings and criminal convictions are available instantaneously.

I was recently fired from a job after 6½ years because of a change in hiring policy. When I was first hired the policy was that you could not have a criminal conviction in the last 7 years. A new change to the policy specified that you could not have certain specific convictions period. My employer knew who I was based on years of interaction- a hardworking, intelligent, dedicated, and loyal employee. Yet based on a single entry in a background check I was dismissed without any opportunity to explain.

The issue with computer data has always been “Garbage In, Garbage Out”. The information is only as good as the source. While it may be useful in this age of information overload to get information in small, overly simplified bites, context is everything, as it is in life. When we spend our lives with a person, we will have a much better image of who they are than if we only read the sensationalized headlines about what might be the worst day in someone’s life. And yet it is those snapshots, those life events presented without context by which our society makes life altering decisions about other people.

Case in point is SORNA, the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act. In 1994 the Wetterling Act established baseline standards for states to register sex offenders. Megan’s Law in 1996 mandated public disclosure of information about registered sex offenders and required states to maintain a website containing registry information. The Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act, which includes SORNA, created a new baseline of sex offender registration and notification standards.² The registering and tracking sex offenders went from being a tool useful to law enforcement to a modern-day Scarlet Letter. It is the public shaming, disenfranchising and discrimination of people who, in addition to many serving long jail/prison sentences, now face additional civil penalties including restrictions on where they can live and who they can live with.

In July of 2025 President Trump signed an executive order entitled “Ending Crime and Disorder on America’s Streets”.³ In Section 3 the order zeroes in on registrants who are homeless, instructing the Department of Justice to “substantially implement and comply with” the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA) for individuals with no fixed address. It calls for mapping and monitoring the locations of homeless sex offenders, effectively treating poverty as a risk factor warranting heightened surveillance.

The order goes even further. If a homeless individual is arrested for a federal crime, they may be evaluated under 18 U.S.C. § 4248, a statute that allows for indefinite civil commitment of individuals deemed “sexually dangerous”—even after they’ve completed their sentence. That’s not rehabilitation. That’s preemptive detention.

This isn’t about protecting the public or preventing new offenses. It’s about maintaining a narrative that portrays registrants as permanent threats, regardless of evidence. And it comes at the expense of people who are already marginalized—those struggling with mental illness, addiction, or simply trying to survive without stable housing in a system designed to push them out.

Supporters of the executive order may argue it’s a step toward restoring order. However, safety rooted in fear and endless punishment is not justice; it’s containment. What this order reveals isn’t reform, but the further cementing of a system that punishes for life, with no offramp, no redemption, and no demonstrated public benefit.⁴

In the Old Testament King Solomon wrote in Proverbs 22:1 “A good name is more desirable than great riches; to be esteemed is better than silver or gold.” This verse emphasizes the importance of a good reputation and the value of being respected over material wealth. It suggests that a good name reflects one’s character and integrity, which are more enduring and impactful than material possessions.⁵ This is a lesson that anyone who has been to prison learns the hard way. Not everyone that gets convicted is a “hardened” criminal. And once your good name is gone, it is impossible to get it back.

Many people that I met in prison were there because of one bad choice that was not in line with who they are, how they were living or their belief system. The downfall of Adam and Eve in Genesis chapter 3 was that they believed the lies of the Satan and ate of the forbidden fruit. Romans 3:23 says that “all have sinned and fall short of the glory of God.” Yet the Bible is a narrative on redemption. In both the Old and New Testaments God used people that went to prison to do great things. I have a tee shirt that says, “All my role models went to prison: Joseph, Paul, Peter, John, Daniel and Jesus.” God used ordinary people, fallen people, people who sinned. He redeemed them, he changed them, and he used them for His glory.

In our society we have lost this prospective. Forgiveness has been replaced by Condemnation. Restoration has been replaced by Punishment. Redemption has been replaced by Damnation. There were two other people crucified on Golgotha with Jesus. Their choices are the same ones that we must all make. Either we choose to believe or we choose to reject the promise of eternal life. Yet it is the crowd surrounding the condemned that were jeering, hostile and calloused to the barbarous, gruesome execution taking place. These people are the true face of evil.

“There but for the grace of God go I” is an old proverbial phrase used to express empathetic compassion and a sense of good fortune realized by avoiding hardship. An early version was ascribed to the preacher John Bradford who died in 1555. ⁶ The Keryx volunteers that go into prisons say the same thing. There isn’t much that separates them from those in prison, just that they did not get caught. What our society needs today is more John Bradford’s and more Keryx volunteers. Men and Women of faith that acknowledge the saving grace of Jesus, not just in their own lives but in the lives of others. People that get involved, get to know people for who they are, not a stereotype or a caricature.

End Notes
1 ‘What’s In A Name’: Phrase Meaning & History✔️

2 Legislative History of Federal Sex Offender Registration and Notification | Office of Sex Offender Sentencing, Monitoring, Apprehending, Registering, and Tracking

3 Ending Crime and Disorder on America’s Streets – The White House

4 Trump’s Executive Order Confirms the Registry Machine Isn’t Going Anywhere – Women Against Registry

5 What does Proverbs 22:1 mean? | BibleRef.com

6 Quote Origin: There But For the Grace of God, Go I – Quote Investigator®

Second Chances

There has been much said about whether or not those convicted of committing a crime should be given a second chance. A wide variety of voices in our culture have made their opinions perfectly clear. “Tough On Crime” was a political approach that emphasizes strict enforcement of laws and harsher penalties for offenders, often associated with policies aimed at reducing crime rates through increased policing and incarceration. This strategy has been a significant part of political discourse, particularly in the United States, and has seen a resurgence in recent years among various political leaders. But does it really work?

The Southern Poverty Law Center reports that Mandatory minimums effectively shift the power of sentencing from judges to prosecutors, resulting in less objective and more politicized outcomes. Although they are largely used for drug and other nonviolent crimes, mandatory minimum sentences can apply to a wide range of offenses. When mandatory minimums are in effect, the ultimate sentence will be based on the specific offense charged. This means that prosecutors have enormous, unchecked power because by choosing which charges to bring, they are also selecting the sentence the person will receive if convicted. This results in an imbalance of power and a high risk of unfair outcomes. For example, regardless of guilt, the threat of specific charges that carry stiff mandatory minimums may encourage people to plead guilty to a different crime with lower penalties. Furthermore, the exploitation of mandatory minimums effectively prevents judges from considering the totality of the circumstances when determining an appropriate sentence after a person has been found guilty of a crime. Historically, one of the roles of judges was to adjudicate an appropriate punishment. Usurping the judges’ role is especially problematic considering 98% of federal convictions are the result of guilty pleas over which prosecutors completely control the terms; very few people resolve their case with a trial.

A primary rationale behind mandatory minimum sentences was to deter crime. Today, the average federal sentence for people convicted of a mandatory minimum offense is 151 months; when the mandatory minimum is for drug offenses, it is 138 months. Contrary to the notion that these sentences will have a deterrent effect, ample research demonstrates that mandatory minimums do not decrease crime and, in fact, they likely generate more crime. Ample research concludes that imprisoning people not only does not lessen the likelihood that people will reoffend, but it can actually increase it. This may be for a multitude of reasons: Prisons are a place of trauma, people released from prison face stigma and economic hurdles, and people may struggle to return to families and communities after being away for so long. A policy of seeking harsh sentences will not improve public safety, but it will certainly destroy communities.¹

There’s a growing movement to replace the tough on crime approach with a more evidence-based, data-driven, and compassionate approach to criminal justice. This “Smart On Crime” approach seeks to reduce the number of people behind bars, while still protecting public safety, by focusing on evidence-based policies that have been proven to be effective at reducing crime and recidivism.

One of the key components of the smart on crime approach is a focus on rehabilitation and reentry. This means investing in education, job training, and mental health and substance abuse treatment programs to help people who’ve been incarcerated successfully reintegrate into society and avoid reoffending. By investing in these programs, we can reduce the number of people who end up back in prison, while also improving public safety.²

Recidivism is the tendency of a convicted criminal to repeat or reoffend a crime after already receiving punishment or serving their sentence. The term is often used in conjunction with substance abuse as a synonym for “relapse” but is specifically used for criminal behavior. The United States has some of the highest recidivism rates in the world. According to the National Institute of Justice, almost 44% of criminals released, returned before the first year out of prison. In 2005, about 68% of 405,000 released prisoners were arrested for a new crime within three years, and 77% were arrested within five years.

Factors contributing to recidivism include a person’s social environment and community, their circumstances before incarceration, events during their incarceration, and one of the main reasons, difficulty adjusting back into normal life. Many of these individuals have trouble reconnecting with family and finding a job to support themselves. Incarceration rates in the U.S. began increasing dramatically in the 1990s. The U.S. has the highest prison population of any country, comprising 25% of the world’s prisoners. Prisons are overcrowded, and inmates are forced to live in inhumane conditions, even those who are innocent and awaiting trial.

The United States justice system places its efforts on getting criminals off the streets by locking them up but fails to fix the issue of preventing these people from reoffending afterward. This is why many believe that the U.S. prison system is greatly flawed. Recidivism affects everyone: the offender, their family, the victim of the crime, law enforcement, and the community overall. Crime can affect anyone in any community. If a previously incarcerated person is released only to repeat an offense or act out a new crime, there will be new victims. Furthermore, taxpayers are impacted by the economic cost of crime and incarceration as the average per-inmate cost of incarceration in the U.S. is $31,286 per year.

Steps can be taken during incarceration to decrease recidivism. First is assessing the risks for reoffending and the criminogenic needs that contributed to breaking the law, such as a lack of self-control or antisocial peer group. The second is to assess their individual motivators, followed by choosing the appropriate treatment program. The fourth step is to implement evidence-based programming that emphasizes cognitive-behavioral strategies, coupled with positive reinforcement that can help them recognize and feel good about positive behavior. Lastly, the formerly incarcerated need ongoing support from a good peer group, as repeat offenders who were in gang culture have the greatest challenge to stay away from that behavior.³

The Second Chance Act, officially known as H.R. 1593, was enacted on April 9, 2008. Its aim was to improve the reintegration of formerly incarcerated individuals into society. The Act provided federal grants to state and local governments and nonprofit organizations to support reentry programs.

Goals of the Act

Reduce Recidivism: The Act focuses on lowering the rates of reoffending among released individuals.

Enhance Public Safety: By supporting successful reintegration, the Act aims to improve community safety.

Support Services: It provides funding for various services, including:

Employment assistance
Substance abuse treatment
Housing support
Family programming
Mentoring services

Nationally

Since its passage in 2008, the Second Chance Act has invested $1.2 billion, infusing state and local efforts to improve outcomes for people leaving prison and jail with unprecedented resources and energy. Over the past 15 years, the Bureau of Justice Assistance and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention have awarded funding to 1,123 Second Chance Act grantees to improve reentry outcomes for individuals, families, and communities.¹ And critically, the Second Chance Act-funded National Reentry Resource Center has built up a connective tissue across local, state, Tribal, and federal reentry initiatives, convening the many disparate actors who contribute to reentry success.

The result? A reentry landscape that would have been unrecognizable before the Second Chance Act’s passage. State and local correctional agencies across the country now enthusiastically agree that ensuring reentry success is core to their missions. And they are not alone: state agencies that work on everything from housing and mental health to education and transportation now agree that they too have a role to play in determining outcomes for people leaving prison or jail.

Community-based organizations, many led or staffed by people who were once justice involved themselves, are contributing passion and creativity, standing up innovative programs to connect people with housing, jobs, education, treatment, and more. Researchers have built a rich body of evidence about what works to reduce criminal justice involvement and improve reentry outcomes, allowing the National Reentry Resource Center to create and disseminate toolkits and frameworks to support jurisdictions to scale up effective approaches. And private corporations that once saw criminal justice involvement as fatal to a candidate’s job application are now using their platforms to champion second chance employment as both a moral and business imperative.

The efforts of these key stakeholders are bigger, bolder, and better coordinated than ever, and they are producing results. Recidivism has declined significantly in states across the country, saving governments money, keeping neighborhoods safer, and allowing people to leave their justice involvement behind in favor of rich and meaningful lives in their communities.⁴

Closer to home

Michigan currently has a recidivism rate measured at 21.0%, the lowest rate on state record. The rate measures those who are three years from their parole date and records how many individuals have reoffended and returned to prison within that timeframe. The latest report shows a 79.0% success rate of those paroled not returning to prison.

MDOC has undertaken numerous evidence-based programs to continue reducing the state’s recidivism rate including supporting access to vital documents, housing, and recovery resources; job placement assistance; and effective supervision and care while individuals are incarcerated and on parole.

Prison educational programs have been seeing significant success with thousands of graduates since their inception. There are now 14 skilled trades programs and 12 post-secondary education programs operating in correctional facilities across the state, with additional programs expected to be added next year.

“This report shows that when we provide a full circle support system to those reentering our communities, they are less likely to return,” Director Heidi E. Washington said. “I am proud of our dedicated MDOC staff, and appreciate the support of our partners, all of whom help motivate and lift up those we are welcoming back into our communities. With increased support for reentry programing, we are very likely to see the state recidivism rate continue to decline.”

This report connects directly with a recently released MDOC prison population report which showed the lowest prison population since 1991, with 32,778 incarcerated individuals statewide, down from a peak of 51,554 individuals in 2007, illustrating success in rehabilitating offenders.⁵

Why this matters today

The Second Chance Act is up for reauthorization again this year. It has not attracted much public attention with all the other actions taking place in Washington that have overshadowed this crucial piece of legislation. The Second Chance Reauthorization Act of 2025 (H.R. 3552/S. 1843) aims to enhance rehabilitation efforts for individuals transitioning from incarceration back into their communities.

Key Provisions

Grant Programs

Reauthorization: Extends grant programs for five additional years.
Support Services: Provides funding for reentry services, including housing, employment training, and addiction treatment.

Focus Areas

Substance Use Treatment: Enhances services for individuals with substance use disorders, including peer recovery and case management.
Transitional Housing: Expands allowable uses for supportive housing services for those reentering society.

Impact and Importance

Recidivism Reduction: Research indicates that effective reentry programs can reduce recidivism rates by 23% since 2008.
Community Safety: By supporting successful reintegration, the Act aims to improve public safety and reduce the burden on the criminal justice system.

The Senate passed the Act on October 9, 2025, as part of the National Defense Authorization Act, and it is now awaiting consideration in the House of Representatives. Tell your Representatives to pass this bill and see it enacted in law so that the progress made in reducing recidivism and US prison populations will continue.

Find Your Representative | house.gov

End Notes

1 https://www.splcenter.org/resources/guides/trump-tough-on-crime-memo-faq/

2 Why the Tough on Crime Approach is Failing and What We Can Do About It – LAMA

3 Recidivism Rates by State 2025

4 50 States, 1 Goal: Examining State-Level Recidivism Trends in the Second Chance Act Era – CSG Justice Center

Disquieting Solitude

While I was in prison, I dreamed of having a room to myself. Having a single room in housing units that had grown to contain twice as many people as they were originally designed for was just that a dream. Except for a very limited number of cells in Level II and IV did I see single man cells, and these contained mainly lifers that needed wheelchairs due to health issues. During the seven months I spent in Level IV there was a total of six weeks where I did not have a roommate. Those were the last days I would be alone for the next seven years. Even in Level IV I was able to get two hours of day of yard time, three trips to the chow hall, weekly trips to the library and religious service. These provided plenty of time to exercise, socialize, and relieve the monotony of being locked down 20 hours a day. I had a TV and a radio, so I never lacked for input.

How very different for those in solitary confinement. While I spent a week in protective custody, it was a two-man cell located in the same housing unit as solitary where people were sent for violating the rules. In solitary meals are served in the cells through a slot in the door and the only way to leave the cell was in hand cuffs, even to go to the shower every other day. No personal property, no TV or radio. No commissary, no phone calls or email. It was not a nice place and one that I didn’t want to visit.

While out walking the track in the big yard I would hear guys in solitary shouting to each other out the tiny window vents to talk to someone in another cell. I would also walk past the cages behind the building where guys in solitary got yard time. The cages were just big enough to pace a couple of steps or drop down and do pushups. Even in wintertime you would see guys in cages that would be shoveled clear of snow by a unit porter. Signs posted on the fences separating the yards strictly warned that we were not to communicate with those in the cages. The signs might as well have said, “Don’t feed the animals.”

This form of punishment inside of prison has been gaining more and more attention in the United States as activists seek to bring this barbaric and discredited practice that is used widely in both federal and state correctional facilities to an end. Articles and videos about the gruesome reality of solitary confinement have been published by many news organizations and prison reform activists including The New York Times, The LA Times, The Guardian, Huffington Post, Scientific America, Psychology Today, The Atlantic, GQ, ABC, NBC, CBS, PBS, CBC, BBC, YouTube, and Facebook to name a few. Those who defend the practice point to the idea that the psychological effects of isolation from the general population serve as a tool to break strong willed inmates who are difficult to handle-The Wall Street Journal. The reality is that there is no evidence that this works in the way it is intended and instead simply breaks the person making them less controllable in prison and unrehabilitatable.

I recently read an article in Rolling Stone entitled ‘Right Before I Hung Myself’: Prisoners Share Tales of Solitary Confinement in Michigan by Tana Ganeva. First, I would highly recommend that you take the time to read the article because it is professionally well written and brings a national spotlight onto the dark underbelly of the Michigan Department of Corrections. Secondly it uses firsthand information obtained from correspondence directly with those who have experience serving time in solitary confinement. Like my blog the author is providing a voice for those who otherwise couldn’t speak for themselves. But it doesn’t stop with the article there is an excellent website that contains the words and artwork of those whose lives have been forever changed by a practice that is internationally recognized as inhumane and by many to constitute torture. Please check out ‘Silenced: Voices from Solitary in Michigan’ a website where prisoners tell harrowing experiences in their own words.

The Prodigal’s Return

According to Merriam-Webster a prodigal is a son/daughter who leaves his or her parents to do things that they do not approve of but then feels sorry and returns home. In Luke 15:11-32 Jesus tells the story of two sons and their life choices. The point of the story was not about passing judgement on the irresponsible son but about repentance and forgiveness on one hand and unforgiveness on the other. I’m not going to focus on the reaction of the older son but on the journey of the younger son and the father’s response as it applies to my own spiritual life journey.

From my teenage years I wanted to distance myself from my family. I went off to college and then further away for graduate school seeking to gain my freedom. I then got married and started my career to establish my independence. I filled my time with what I wanted and only made grudging appearances for holidays. My brother grew up and got married. My parents grew their business and took up square dancing. They had their lives and I had mine. I didn’t live in a faraway land but halfway between my parents and my wife’s parents. Close enough to make the trip but far enough to not have to make it frequently. My focus was on my career, my interests, and my friends. I didn’t have time for family obligations or responsibilities. Even after my daughter was born, I continued to pursue my dreams without any concerns for how this affected anyone else. This is the very essence of being a prodigal.

I didn’t appreciate what my family had to offer me: a stable nuclear family, deeply held religious beliefs, education, strong work ethic and financial security. Growing up my extended family including grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins always got together for the holidays. Family reunions happened every year exposing me to an even larger group of family members in which I didn’t take the time to learn who they were or what our family history was. I dreamed of being anywhere but there. With age comes wisdom and only now do I appreciate what I had. My parents will be celebrating their 58^th wedding anniversary this year. My family wasn’t perfect, but I was given all the advantages. My time in prison exposed me to people who came from not just dysfunctional but truly broken homes. Growing up on the streets and in some cases literally killing to get what I had.

Growing up, Sundays were all about church. My parents were active members in their church. My brother and I attended church for as long as we lived in their house. Not attending wasn’t an option. Even when I was older, I attended church, but it was more social and cultural than spiritual. My entire life my has been lived in the shadow of the cross. My parents brought me up in church, raised me with conservative Christian values, and sent me to a college founded by our denomination. I knew the hymns, the books of the Bible, and the tenants of the faith, but even though I confessed my faith there were areas of my life that weren’t surrendered to God.

I was a very average student in high school. When I went to college, I became a much better student when I started dating a girl who spent her time in the library. While we parted ways, I still graduated with honors and double majored in chemistry and biology. I went to graduate school and found out how really smart I was by consistently outscoring some of the best and brightest students at one of the state’s most prestigious universities. But academic knowledge isn’t the same as wisdom and the more I learned the more foolish I became. According to Proverbs 10:1b “a foolish son brings grief to his mother.” And I certainly caused my mother a lot of grief.

My pride of life, gluttony, intellectual arrogance, and selfishness kept me from following Christ fully. Proverbs 11:2 says, “When pride comes, then comes disgrace, but with humility comes wisdom.” It was in quiet desperation that I truly called on the God of my fathers when I found myself in jail. Many who find faith in prison point back to someone in their family, like a mother or grandmother who modeled it to them. Those without a model have a much harder time coming to believe.

As a tutor in prison, I was able to use my education to help those who did not have the opportunities that I had. I would encourage my students to look forward to a brighter future that would only be possible by completing their GED. Not because of what education had done for me but what they could do with it to help their families. On more than one occasion I had students tell me that they were determined to get their GED to challenge or encourage their own children to complete their education. Those inmates were the ones that really got it and tried to make the best of their prison experience.

My father earned money by delivering papers when he was young. He served in the military and afterwards went to night school while working and starting a family. While I was still in elementary school, he made a life altering decision and became an insurance salesman. He was consistently one of the top salespeople in his company. He had his own agency for 47 years and did all right. His hard work set the example for me. I worked occasionally for him while I was in high school but knew that I didn’t want to follow him into business. I chose a different path as part of my rebellion. I had different skills and abilities but much of the same drive and work ethic. In prison I encountered those who worked hard at not working. Those who plotted and schemed at making the big score. Always more talk than action. Uneducated and unethical, a far cry from my up bringing.

I had a moderately successful career in the sciences. I worked hard. I worked long hours. I provided for my family. I never really had to worry about money to pay the bills, put food on the table or buy a few toys. A lot of my satisfaction and self-esteem came from my work. I liked getting above average employee annual reviews. I liked my steady advancement up the corporate ladder. And it was gone in the blink of an eye like the parable of the rich fool in Luke 12:13-21. The barns I had built for myself were gone and life as I knew it was over.

In prison I had plenty of time to reflect on my life choices and the decisions that lead to that low point in my life. I was in a pig sty and my thoughts often drifted back to life at home and how much better it would be to live there. My thoughts weren’t fantasies of some make-believe fairytale life, but of a home that wanted me there as a part of the family. While I was in prison my parents were the only ones who did not abandon me to my fate. I knew very few inmates who had more visits than I did. Approximately every two weeks I got to spend time with my parents who made the trek to wherever I was incarcerated to see me. I received mail and/or emails from them regularly keeping me up to date on the happenings in the family. I talked to them weekly on the phone and was occasionally blessed to call into a family get together were I could talk to my brother. Not once in what was literally thousands of communications, did I hear any condemnation but rather endless encouragement. I got to know about my extended family and all that I had missed out on over the years. I got to hear about what was going on at church, the office, and with their friends. I received postcards from all over the country and even around the globe as my parents traveled. There was no doubt that I would be welcomed home, it was only a question of when.

When I got home, I wept with overwhelming emotions. I had a room of my own. Access to good food anytime of the day or night. I was given the keys to one of the family cars to go out on errands and work. I was given a family credit card so I could start rebuilding my credit and make purchases for the family. I cooked meals, cleaned house and laundry, shopped for groceries, made home repairs, painted around the house, and gardened like Martha Stewart. I did it, not because I had to as if I was expected to pay my parents back for supporting me while I was in prison but rather to express my gratitude for all that they had done for me. I wanted to be fully engaged in the very family life that I had previously shunned. I focused on completing my parole without any violations just like I completed my sentence behind bars without any violations. I wanted to do and be my best because like the Grinch my heart had grown three sizes.

My time on parole flew by. It was quite anticlimactic when I was discharged from parole. The parole officer that had managed my case wasn’t even in the office on the day that I signed my discharge papers, there was no need to say goodbye. I was a free man but running away from home never crossed my mind. My parents are aging and need my help now more than ever. I don’t worry about what I might or might not inherit when they pass. I am secure in my position as a beloved son. I don’t live at home anymore, but I live nearby so that I can stop in and check on things. I have a new job and recently got married so I have more responsibilities too. But they are not a way of establishing my independence again but rather a celebration of the new life I was given. I have confidence that “all things work together for the good of those who love God” (Romans 8:28). I never imagined that my life would turn out this way, but the Bible and church history are full of convicts that God called to do His will and I guess that I’m just one more.

As far a prodigals go I would say that my experience is not typical. My parents did more than keep a vigil by looking down the road for my return. They walked with me through my period of incarceration confident that God would make a way for me to return to them. God used them to encourage and sometimes even feed me in a difficult situation. Their faithfulness is what got me involved in the church behind bars and with Keryx. It was there that I truly began to understand about grace, mercy, forgiveness, and repentance. And more importantly to truly appreciate these foundational principles of the Christian faith and how important they are to rehabilitation and restoration of those convicted as opposed to punishment and retributive justice that are the hallmarks of the current criminal justice system. There are far too many men and women behind bars that will never get to experience the celebration of homecoming because regardless of how bad things get in prison they either haven’t come to their senses or don’t have anyone waiting for them. One of the strongest indicators for successfully completing parole is placement back into the family. Prodigals need to be welcomed home whether it is their nuclear family or some other group that can act as a surrogate. I’m proud to be part of a group called Freedom Dreamers Chapel who’s mission is to provide that surrogate family for those coming out of prison who have come to their senses but don’t have a family of their own to return to. We provide small accountability groups, mentors, and worship experiences in a Christ-centered judgement free atmosphere to encourage success while on parole and beyond.

Thank You

The church behind bars in prisons and jails is alive and well. In a place that most people wouldn’t expect to find humble, faithful servants, there are a surprising number. These are men and women who have hit rock bottom and were saved when they looked up and found God. But they can’t grow and live without community. Lone ranger Christians don’t last long in the hostile environment of incarceration.

Outside ministries provide essential assistance in cultivating and growing disciples in the church behind bars, everything from preaching on Sunday mornings, leading addiction groups like Celebrate Recovery, teaching life skill or spiritual development classes, to Bible studies. The church behind bars benefits from the diversity of religious perspectives brought by the various denominations and independent churches represented. In fact, the demand for professionals and volunteers to go inside exceeds the available pool of individuals.

Responding to the call to minister to those in prison is part of the call that all Christians receive and for which we will be judged by God (Matthew 25:34-40). For those that step forward in faith and enter prison ministry, not only will they have eternal rewards but also blessings from interacting with fellow Christians in the most unlikely places.

For myself I had the privilege of interacting with dozens of people who came to preach, teach, sing, pray, and encourage me and my brothers. They treated me as a human, not a convict; as a fellow Christian, not an outcast; as worthy of redemption, not deserving of condemnation; as a child of God, not the spawn of Satan. They uplifted, edified, encouraged, challenged, and educated me in my Christian walk.

In the overcrowded yet lonely confines of prison I looked forward with great anticipation for the weekly callouts to the Sunday Worship Service, Tuesday night Bible Study, Spiritual Development classes, and Keryx. It wasn’t just something to do in a vast wasteland of monotony. It was an opportunity to chew on spiritual meat, to sharpen iron, and to be renewed in my inner being. All of this was only possible because of the dedication of faithful, Spirit-filled, gifted pastors and laymen; retirees and businessmen. These were missionaries, clergy, and volunteers from all walks of life who have given up much to bring light into darkness, hope to the hopeless, wisdom to the foolish, and the love of God to the least of these.

Saying thank you somehow seems inadequate for these superheroes of the faith. The English language doesn’t contain enough words of admiration to express what these men and women of God mean to me. I can speak of the miracles that have occurred; the lives changed; the tears cried and dried; the power of prayers spoken, and the answers received; and the peace of God imparted, and only scratch the surface of the impact that they have had on my life.

But try to tell them and their humility immediately redirects any praise to God. Certainly, gratitude warms their hearts and expressions of appreciation encourage them to come back again and again. While it was strictly against the rules, I wanted to hug these saints. God used these ministers to prepare me for my own ministry. To place in me the desire to step out of my comfort zone and see the world through Jesus eyes. To speak Truth without cast stones. To be an encourager of the brethren. To write what the Holy Spirit gives me and not one word more.

My heartfelt gratitude, admiration, and loves goes out to these ministers of the Gospel. While we may not cross paths again in this life, I look forward to seeing you again in heaven.

What a Prison Lockdown Actually Means

Mental Health: Why Lockdowns Hurt So Much

Rehabilitation: Lockdowns Don’t Just Pause Programs—They Break Them

Are Lockdowns Increasing? What U.S. Data Shows—and What It Doesn’t

1) The COVID-19 Shock: Lockdown as Public-Health Control

2) The Staffing Squeeze: Lockdown as a Substitute for Adequate Operations

3) Security Threats: Contraband, Drugs, Phones, and Violence

Underlying Causes: Why Lockdowns Keep Spreading

What Can Be Done: A Humane, Evidence-Based Path Out of the Lockdown Spiral

Conclusion: Safety Without Humanity Isn’t Safety

Endnotes

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What is Celebrate Recovery?

Who is Celebrate Recovery for?

Celebrate Recovery in a prison or jail context: Celebrate Recovery Inside (CRI)

What’s different “on the inside” (and why structure matters)

Why CRI matters: hope, accountability, and a reentry bridge

What happens at a typical Celebrate Recovery night?

1) Large Group

2) Open Share Small Groups

3) Step Studies (deeper work during the week)

The heart of CR: 8 Principles and 12 Steps

Celebrate Recovery vs. Alcoholics Anonymous (AA): what’s the difference?

What to expect if you’re new

An invitation: you don’t have to do this alone

How you can engage with Celebrate Recovery

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A Movement Rooted in Dignity and Opportunity

Why Second Chances Are a Public Safety Issue

A Personal Story Behind the Statistics

Faith, Forgiveness, and Restoration

Moving From Awareness to Action

Michigan’s Success Story

A Chapter, Not the Whole Book

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Dignity in the Midst of Suffering

Endurance in a Place That Breaks the Will

Failure, Guilt, and Starting Again

Identity: Self-Made or God-Given?

Time, Stillness, and Spiritual Formation

Hope Beyond Freedom

Conclusion

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