Locked Down: How Prison Lockdowns Undermine Mental Health and Rehabilitation in U.S. Prisons

Lockdowns are supposed to keep prisons safe. Too often, they function as mass isolation: damaging mental health, stalling rehabilitation, and deepening a humanitarian crisis.

During my 8 years of incarceration, I experienced numerous lockdown events.  It could be due to a fight in the yard or chow hall, an outbreak of an infectious disease like Norovirus, or a security sweep for weapons and contraband.  It might last for a few hours to a few days.  A security sweep might result in my property being tossed like a fruit salad onto my bed and my body strip searched, but that was the extent of my inconvenience. My few delayed meals or a sack lunch, a few missed shifts as a school tutor, canceled medical or library callouts, even a few missed visits do not begin to compare to what is happening now across the country.  Lockdowns were just part of the prison experience, but that all changed with Covid-19.

My wife is a Medical Assistant and was hired during Covid to work in the state prison near our house.  During the pandemic everything changed.  Just like out in the world, prisons went into complete lockdown.  No prisoner movement.  What necessary minimal services like medical came to the housing units.  All offsite prisoner transport stopped. No visits, no school or programing, no yard, weight pit of gym callouts, no church services or outside volunteers.  Prisoners were not allowed to interact with other people from outside their housing units. The routine upon which prison is built was stopped completely.  In most prisons this condition lasted not for a couple of months, but for over a year.  In a previous blog post entitled Anti-Social Distancing I wrote about the devastating effects that the pandemic had on prisoners.  The ripple effects of that time still reverberate in prisons.

In many U.S. prisons, “lockdown” no longer describes a rare emergency response to a riot or a narrowly targeted security incident. It has become a recurring operational mode: housing units sealed, movement halted, yard and dayroom time canceled, phones restricted, visits suspended, and education, treatment, and job assignments paused—sometimes for days, weeks, or even months. Reporting in recent years has documented extended lockdowns tied not only to violence but also to chronic understaffing and overcrowding, raising a stark question: When a prison can’t run its basic schedule safely, are we still operating a rehabilitative institution or merely warehousing human beings behind steel doors? [1]

What a Prison Lockdown Actually Means

Lockdowns vary by facility, custody level, and the event that triggered them. But in practice, a lockdown is a temporary suspension of normal movement and routines—often applied to an entire housing unit or whole prison—so staff can regain control, search for contraband, respond to violence, manage a shortage of officers, or contain disease outbreaks. Some lockdowns allow limited “controlled movement” (brief showers, medication lines, or staggered recreation). Others are near-total confinement to cell, with meals delivered to doors, minimal human contact, and sharply reduced access to healthcare, law library, religious services, and family contact.

Even when it is not formally “solitary confinement,” a prolonged lockdown can replicate many of the same risk factors: sensory deprivation, social isolation, loss of autonomy, and the collapse of predictable routines that help people regulate stress. That overlap matters because research on restrictive housing and solitary confinement consistently links extreme isolation to psychological deterioration, self-harm, and elevated suicide risk.

Mental Health: Why Lockdowns Hurt So Much

People enter prisons with high rates of mental illness and trauma histories, and many facilities already struggle to meet their clinical needs. The Prison Policy Initiative’s research library summarizes how common mental health diagnoses are in custody and how gaps in treatment persist. In that environment, lockdowns act like gasoline on a smoldering fire: they intensify stressors while simultaneously cutting off the very support: structured activity, social contact, counseling, movement, sunlight, and exercise that can keep symptoms from spiraling. [10]

  • Loss of routine and control: Predictability is a core mental-health stabilizer. Lockdowns replace schedules with uncertainty—When will the door open? Will medication be on time? Will family calls work today?
  • Isolation and conflict: Confinement increases loneliness and rumination, but it can also increase tension with cellmates in cramped spaces, producing hypervigilance and sleep disruption.
  • Reduced physical activity: Yard closures and canceled recreation remove one of the most accessible mood regulators.
  • Disrupted healthcare access: Even brief interruptions in psychiatric care, counseling, and medication continuity can trigger withdrawal, relapse, or acute crises.
  • Family separation: Suspended visitation and restricted phone access remove a major buffer against despair—especially for parents.

We should be careful with language: lockdowns and solitary confinement are not identical. Still, a large body of evidence on solitary confinement provides a warning label for prolonged, near-total lockdown conditions. A major systematic review and meta-analysis in Frontiers in Psychiatry found solitary confinement was associated with adverse psychological effects and higher risks of self-harm and mortality, especially suicide. When whole housing units are kept in conditions that approximate isolation, it is reasonable to expect similar patterns—particularly among people with preexisting mental illness. [3]

Lockdowns also leave residue. After weeks of enforced inactivity, people may emerge dysregulated—more irritable, less trusting, and more prone to impulsive behavior. That dysregulation can feed a vicious loop: tension increases, violence increases, administrators respond with more lockdown, and the psychological and social environment degrades further. Meanwhile, the skills needed for successful reentry: emotion regulation, conflict resolution, consistent participation in treatment—are precisely the skills lockdowns erode.

Rehabilitation: Lockdowns Don’t Just Pause Programs—They Break Them

Education classes, vocational training, substance use treatment groups, cognitive behavioral programs, faith-based services, work assignments, and reentry planning often depend on predictable movement and staff availability. Lockdowns disrupt all of it. Even “temporary” cancellations can have outsized effects because correctional programming is built on momentum: attendance requirements, sequential curricula, waitlists, and limited seats. Miss enough sessions, and a person can lose their spot—then wait months to re-enroll, if they can at all.

This isn’t a minor inconvenience. Research syntheses and policy reviews consistently find that prison programming, especially education and job training, can reduce recidivism and improve post-release employment. RAND’s work on correctional education summarizes evidence that educating incarcerated people improves post-release outcomes, and federal reviews describe programming as a key lever for reducing reoffending. When lockdowns suspend programming, they effectively suspend one of the few tools’ prisons have to make future communities safer. [8] [9]

Lockdowns also damage the human infrastructure of rehabilitation: relationships. Family visitation is often suspended, and calls may be limited or unreliable. Staff may interact with incarcerated people primarily through orders and door slots. Over time, this can shift the culture from “managed community” toward “permanent crisis mode.” Recent accounts describe facilities held in extended lockdown conditions because agencies lack enough staff to safely run normal schedules—an operational failure with deep human costs.

Are Lockdowns Increasing? What U.S. Data Shows—and What It Doesn’t

If you’re looking for a single national dataset that tracks the frequency and duration of prison lockdowns across all U.S. state and federal facilities over decades, you’ll quickly hit a wall: lockdowns are not consistently defined, measured, or publicly reported across jurisdictions. National statistical agencies such as the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) produce detailed annual reports on prison and jail populations, admissions, staffing, and mortality, but “lockdown-days per facility per year” is not a standard published metric. The Prison Policy Initiative even maintains resources explaining that many commonly requested criminal-justice datasets simply don’t exist in unified form—lockdowns being a prime example. [10] Here is one of the few examples from the Illinois Department of Corrections.

Example of lockdown data from the Illinois Department of Corrections for FY2020 to FY2025 showing the marked recent increase in lockdowns.

Still, we can responsibly analyze lockdown trends by triangulating from: (1) periods when lockdowns were system-wide (notably the COVID-19 era), (2) staffing and overcrowding indicators that predict operational lockdowns, and (3) investigative reporting and oversight findings documenting prolonged, non-emergency lockdown use. Note that throughout this article I have specifically included a series of images related to two state prisons in Wisconsin that made the news due to public protests regarding prolonged lockdowns and prison conditions.

1) The COVID-19 Shock: Lockdown as Public-Health Control

From March 2020 through early 2021, many prisons entered “modified operations” that resembled extended lockdowns: movement restrictions, suspended visitation, reduced programming, and quarantine/isolation practices. BJS documented the broader system impacts of the pandemic in prisons—including testing, infections, deaths, and major shifts in admissions and releases—showing how deeply COVID-19 altered daily operations behind bars. [4] Refer to my post Speech-less to read about the devastating effect that Covid-19 had on those incarcerated at that time.

Federal oversight also highlighted the mental-health danger of pandemic isolation. In a capstone review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ COVID-19 response, the DOJ Office of the Inspector General reported that the BOP told investigators that seven incarcerated people died by suicide from March 2020 through April 2021 while housed in single-cell confinement in quarantine units related to COVID-19—an alarming signal of how extreme isolation can interact with crisis stress. The OIG also described staffing shortages and morale challenges during the pandemic. [5]

At the time the BOP published facility-level COVID-19 statistics, which helped document disease burden and operational strain. That reporting was quickly ended even before the pandemic was declared over and the information was never translated into a standardized national ledger of lockdown frequency and duration.

2) The Staffing Squeeze: Lockdown as a Substitute for Adequate Operations

Outside of pandemic emergencies, one of the most commonly cited drivers of extended lockdowns is understaffing. When there aren’t enough officers to safely escort people to chow, yard, school, or the clinic, prisons cut movement. In its analysis of the national staffing crisis, the Prison Policy Initiative argues that understaffing becomes a self-reinforcing loop: fewer staff leads to more restrictive conditions and fewer services; conditions worsen; violence rises; staff burnout increases; recruitment becomes harder; and lockdown becomes routine. [2]

Data-driven reporting has underscored how severe the staffing decline has been. The Marshall Project reported that state correctional workforces dropped sharply after 2019, reaching the lowest mark in more than two decades in 2022, while many state prison populations began rebounding—creating a mismatch between staffing capacity and operational demands. In that context, lockdown becomes a predictable management response rather than an exceptional security measure. [6]

Stateline’s national reporting similarly describes prolonged lockdowns, sometimes lasting weeks or months—linked to understaffing and overcrowding, not disciplinary need. The key trend described is not necessarily “more lockdown events,” but longer lockdowns and more frequent reliance on lockdown-like restrictions as a default operating posture. [1]

Talib Akbar speaks during an Oct. 10, 2023, protest at the Wisconsin State Capitol in Madison, Wis. WISDOM, a statewide faith-based social justice organization, organized the protest. Akbar was incarcerated for 20 years before his release in 2013 and spent at least 10 stints in solitary confinement, including a stretch lasting nearly a year. WISDOM and partner organizations called on the short-staffed Wisconsin Department of Corrections to lift restrictions on prisoner movement, reduce the prison population and invest in community-based programs that aid prisoner rehabilitation. (Meryl Hubbard / Wisconsin Watch)

3) Security Threats: Contraband, Drugs, Phones, and Violence

Lockdowns are also frequently used after violent incidents, when administrators suspect weapons, or when contraband flows overwhelm routine searches. A National Institute of Justice summary of a RAND-facilitated workshop on correctional security threats ranked insufficient staffing as the top concern among experts, with contraband (drugs, weapons, cellphones) generating the largest number of priority needs. Each of these threats can precipitate facility-wide shakedowns and movement freezes, especially when an agency lacks the personnel and technology to target responses precisely. [7]

So, are lockdowns increasing? We cannot prove a clean nationwide time-series increase in lockdown frequency and duration because the U.S. lacks standardized, publicly reported lockdown metrics across prisons. But multiple converging indicators suggest a real shift toward more extended lockdown conditions since 2020: pandemic-era modified operations, followed by persistent staffing shortages and overcrowding pressures that make normal programming schedules difficult to sustain. The lived reality described by oversight bodies and national reporting is consistent with longer and more routine restrictions—even if the number of discrete “lockdown events” is not measured uniformly.

Underlying Causes: Why Lockdowns Keep Spreading

  • Chronic understaffing and burnout: When posts go unfilled and overtime becomes constant, prisons cannot safely move large groups. Lockdown becomes the operational workaround. [1] [2] [6]
  • Overcrowding and facility design: Crowded units, dorm settings, and aging infrastructure make it harder to separate conflicts, quarantine illness, or run staggered movement without enormous staffing. [1]
  • Contraband markets and violence cycles: Illicit phones, drugs (including opioids), and weapons drive shakedowns and retaliatory violence, often followed by facility-wide lockdown. [7]
  • Policy incentives that favor control over care: It is administratively easier to cancel activities than to build staffing, training, clinical capacity, and targeted security approaches.
  • Unmet mental health and substance use needs: When treatment access is thin, crises escalate; crises prompt lockdowns; lockdowns worsen mental health; and the cycle continues. [3] [10]
Protesters call on the short-staffed Wisconsin Department of Corrections to improve prisoner conditions and lift restrictions on prisoners’ movement during a protest at the Wisconsin State Capitol on Oct. 10, 2023, in Madison, Wis. Meryl Hubbard/Wisconsin Watch

What Can Be Done: A Humane, Evidence-Based Path Out of the Lockdown Spiral

Calling this a “humanitarian crisis” is not hyperbole: prolonged, population-wide confinement in stressful environments predictably harms mental health and sabotages rehabilitation. The good news is that the solutions are not mysterious. They require political will, operational discipline, and transparency.

  1. Measure lockdowns—then publish the numbers. States and the federal system should track at minimum: lockdown start/end times, scope (unit vs. facility), reason codes, services suspended, and out-of-cell hours provided. Without data, the public can’t distinguish emergency necessity from routine deprivation. (The current lack of standardized lockdown metrics is a central barrier to trend analysis.) [10]
  2. Set enforceable limits and minimum conditions. Even during lockdowns, people should receive daily out-of-cell time, access to showers, medical and mental health care, and meaningful communication with counsel and family, with clear exceptions only for immediate, documented threats.
  3. Stabilize staffing—but don’t pretend hiring alone can solve mass incarceration. The staffing crisis is real, but it is tightly linked to the scale of incarceration. Breaking the cycle means improving working conditions (training, safety, schedules, pay) while also reducing the incarcerated population so staffing ratios are feasible. [2] [6]
  4. Protect program continuity as a public-safety priority. If education and treatment reduce recidivism, then suspending them for long periods should be treated as a risk to community safety. Build “lockdown-resilient” programming: cell-front coursework, tablet-based learning (where feasible), small-group controlled movement, and make-up sessions that prevent people from losing their place in sequenced programs. [8] [9]
  5. Expand mental health support during and after lockdown periods. Lockdowns are predictable stress spikes. Facilities should implement surge mental-health checks, peer-support access, and rapid referral pathways during restrictions, especially for people with known risk factors for self-harm. The evidence linking extreme isolation to self-harm and suicide risk makes this essential. [3] [5]
  6. Modernize contraband control without collective punishment. Targeted searches, intelligence-led investigations, and technologies aimed at drones and illicit phones can reduce the perceived need for sweeping lockdowns—while still addressing the very real threats highlighted by correctional security experts. [7]
  7. Strengthen independent oversight. Prolonged lockdowns should trigger automatic external review: documentation of necessity, timeline for restoration of normal operations, and a plan for services. Oversight findings during COVID-19 show why independent scrutiny matters. [4] [5]

Conclusion: Safety Without Humanity Isn’t Safety

Lockdowns will always exist in some form; prisons are volatile places, and emergencies happen. The crisis is the normalization of lockdown as routine management, whether driven by pandemic protocols, staffing collapse, overcrowding, contraband economies, or a deeper policy choice to prioritize control over care. The mental-health consequences are predictable, and the rehabilitation costs are measurable in missed education, stalled treatment, and weakened family ties.

Because the United States does not systematically publish lockdown frequency and duration data across jurisdictions, we can’t chart a definitive national curve the way we can for incarceration rates or admissions. But the available evidence strongly suggests the experience of lockdown has intensified since 2020; first through widespread pandemic restrictions documented by BJS and federal oversight, then through persistent staffing and capacity failures that keep prisons from operating normally. Treating this as a humanitarian crisis starts with telling the truth in numbers: track lockdown-days, publish them, and make “days of life” behind bars a metric of accountability alongside safety. [4] [5] [1] [2] [10]

Endnotes

  1. Stateline. Amanda Hernández (December 3, 2024). “State prisons turn to extended lockdowns amid staffing shortages, overcrowding.”
  2. Prison Policy Initiative. Brian Nam-Sonenstein & Emmett Sanders (December 9, 2024). “Why jails and prisons can’t recruit their way out of the understaffing crisis.”
  3. Luigi, M., Dellazizzo, L., Giguère, C.-É., Goulet, M.-H., & Dumais, A. (2020). “Shedding Light on ‘the Hole’: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis on Adverse Psychological Effects and Mortality Following Solitary Confinement in Correctional Settings.” Frontiers in Psychiatry, 11:840.
  4. U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Carson, E. Ann; Nadel, Melissa; & Gaes, Gerry (August 2022; published August 25, 2022). Impact of COVID-19 on State and Federal Prisons, March 2020–February 2021 (NCJ 304500).
  5. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General (March 2023). Capstone Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Response to the Coronavirus Disease 2019 Pandemic (Report 23-054).
  6. The Marshall Project. Shannon Heffernan & Weihua Li (January 10, 2024). “New Data Shows How Dire the Prison Staffing Shortage Really Is.”
  7. National Institute of Justice (April 6, 2020). “Experts Identify Priority Needs for Addressing Correctional Agency Security Threats.”
  8. RAND Corporation. Davis, L. M., Bozick, R., Steele, J. L., Saunders, J., & Miles, J. N. V. (2013). Evaluating the Effectiveness of Correctional Education: A Meta-Analysis of Programs That Provide Education to Incarcerated Adults (RR-266).
  9. Office of Justice Programs / Federal Probation. Byrne, J. M. (2020/2022). “The Effectiveness of Prison Programming: A Review of the Research Literature Examining the Impact of Federal, State, and Local Inmate Programming on Post-Release Recidivism.”
  10. Prison Policy Initiative. “Data toolbox” (includes guidance and a list of commonly requested data that doesn’t exist in unified form).

April Is Second Chance Month: Why It Matters More Than Ever

Every April, communities across the United States pause to recognize a powerful truth: No one should be defined forever by their worst mistake. April is Second Chance Month, a nationwide effort to raise awareness of the barriers facing people with criminal records and to promote policies and practices that support successful reentry, restoration, and community safety.

A Movement Rooted in Dignity and Opportunity

Second Chance Month was founded in 2017 by Prison Fellowship, the nation’s largest Christian nonprofit serving currently and formerly incarcerated people and their families. The initiative highlights a sobering reality: nearly 1 in 3 American adults has a criminal record, and many face lifelong obstacles long after completing their sentence. These barriers now numbering close to 44,000 legal restrictions nationwide, can limit access to employment, housing, education, and even basic civic participation.

Over the years, Second Chance Month has grown into a broad, bipartisan movement. Presidential proclamations have been issued consistently since 2018, and the United States Senate has repeatedly passed resolutions recognizing April as Second Chance Month. By 2025, 27 states joined more than 1,100 Churches, Employers, and Community partners in formally recognizing the month and calling attention to the need for meaningful second chances.

Why Second Chances Are a Public Safety Issue

Reentry is often framed as charity or social service, but research and experience show it is a core public safety strategy. Nearly 95% of incarcerated people will eventually return home, with approximately 600,000 people released from state and federal prisons each year, along with millions more from local jails.

The period immediately following release is especially critical. When individuals lack stable housing, health care, employment, or community support, the risk of recidivism increases—not just harming individuals and families, but entire communities.

Organizations like the Crime and Justice Institute (CJI) emphasize that the most effective reentry efforts align multiple systems from day one:

  • Housing and employment
  • Behavioral health care
  • Community supervision
  • Family and community supports

When these systems work together, beginning before and continuing through the early months after release; public safety improves, costs decrease, and people have a genuine opportunity to rebuild their lives.

A Personal Story Behind the Statistics

While the numbers are compelling, the heart of Second Chance Month lies in individual lives.

In a powerful reflection shared during Second Chance Month, Michelle Cirocco, a nonprofit executive and formerly incarcerated woman, describes the reaction she often receives when she shares her past: surprise. Despite her professional success, people struggle to reconcile her accomplishments with her history of incarceration.

Her message is clear: she is not the exception. She represents what happens when opportunity meets accountability, support, and belief in human potential. Millions of others, she reminds us, are still waiting for that same chance—not to be extraordinary, but simply to be seen as human.

Second Chance Month challenges the damaging assumption that people behind bars are a permanent “other.” Instead, it calls us to recognize what has always been true: People are more than the worst thing they have done.

Faith, Forgiveness, and Restoration

For many faith communities, Second Chance Month is deeply rooted in spiritual principles of Redemption, Mercy, and Reconciliation. Churches across the country observe Second Chance Sunday in April, offering prayer and support for people impacted by crime and incarceration.

Moving From Awareness to Action

As leaders from across Christian traditions have emphasized, there is no theological basis for stripping someone of dignity after they have paid their debt. Restoration of Individuals, Families, and Communities is both a moral calling and a practical necessity.

Second Chance Month is about more than recognition—it is a call to action.

Policymakers are encouraged to:

  • Sustain funding for evidence-based reentry programs
  • Promote cross-agency coordination

Practitioners are urged to:

  • Focus resources on the critical early months after release
  • Use data-informed, individualized approaches

Funders and partners are called to:

  • Invest in systemwide solutions, not isolated programs
  • Support scaling what works

And Communities including employers, churches, and civic leaders can play a transformative role by offering opportunity instead of judgment.

Michigan’s Success Story

In 2018 Michigan governor Rick Snyder declared April 2018 to be Second Chance Month.  Since that time Michigan has made progress and is addressing the needs of returning citizens in statistically meaningful and tangible ways. Recidivism rates have been reduced significantly as the Michigan Department of Corrections has increased its focus on Housing and Employment, Behavioral health care, Community supervision, and Family and Community support through its Offender Success Reentry Services program. Offender Success, formerly known as the Michigan Prisoner Re-Entry Initiative, is a public-private partnership that relies on unprecedented collaboration and teamwork between state agencies, human service providers, the faith-based community and private companies who share a vested interest in safer communities and opportunities for all.

Offender Success is a public safety program based on 20 years of research on what works to help returning citizens succeed. By providing needed support, resources and tools, we create safer communities, a better economy and increased quality of life for returning citizens and their families. Offender Success is a hand-up, not a hand-out.

Evidence-Based Programs

Research has shown that evidence-based cognitive programming helps reduce future risk. Programs include Violence Prevention Programming and Cognitive Behavioral Therapy. OS Staff develop and monitor these programs, while also ensuring that prisoners are properly placed in these programs based on their parole board jurisdiction date. OS also works with counties throughout the state to provide evidence-based support to probationers through Community Corrections

The Offender Success Administration is housed within the MDOC’s Executive Office and has staff at prisons throughout the state.  Staff members include educators, school staff, institutional parole agents, specialists, and analysts who oversee various programs within the prisons and contracted services in the community.  The goal of this diverse group of professionals is to foster change and success for those in prison, as well as those on parole or probation.

There are four Major Areas of Focus: Evidence-based Programs, Education, In-Reach, and Community Supports for Parolees.

Education

Michigan is a national leader in correctional education and operates a school at each prison. Schools teach academic (high school equivalency), special education, and career and technical education programs. The MDOC also operates three Vocational Villages, which are the most immersive prison vocational programs in the nation, training students in high-demand trades. The MDOC also partners with a variety of colleges and universities that provide post-secondary classes and degrees to those in prison. 

In-Reach

Serving as the bridge between incarceration and the community, In-Reach is utilized by the parole board to provide a more focused opportunity to plan for reentry with the support of dedicated staff.

Community Supports for Parolees

Part of ensuring public safety and personal success is providing necessary supports, such as stable housing, basic supplies, or assistance finding or maintaining a job. The MDOC contracts with 10 regional administrative agencies that provide this assistance and more to eligible parolees throughout the state. Offender Success also oversees a mentoring program for those who are on parole, connecting them with those that have successfully gone through the criminal justice system as a positive peer support.

A Chapter, Not the Whole Book

Second Chance Month reminds us that a past mistake should be a chapter in someone’s story, not the end of it. When we remove unnecessary barriers, align systems, and choose dignity over stigma, we don’t just help individuals succeed. We build safer, stronger, and more compassionate communities for everyone. Let’s commit to seeing the person behind the record and to unlocking second chances that truly last.

OLD SCHOOL

While in prison I met a lot of men that required assistance in the form of wheelchairs, walkers or canes to get around. Most of these had chronic, debilitating conditions requiring daily trips to medical to receive restricted medications and frequent offsite medical appointments. Life behind bars is tough and there isn’t any sympathy or relief from the extra challenges of getting around in a large prison compound. Come rain or shine med line callouts meant waiting outside in long lines to receive medications.  Wheelchair bound inmates were assigned a wheelchair pusher to assist them with getting to appointments and meals. (Whether they showed up to do their jobs is another story.) Those with walkers or canes were on their own.

Going out of the facility for transfers or medical appointment meant belly chains and wrist & leg shackles regardless of whether you might be considered a flight risk.  I had to go to the prison hospital in Jackson several times for doctor’s appointments and witnessed first-hand the pain and suffering that the sickest, frailest inmates endured to receive health care. In many ways I was blessed and fortunate to avoid illness or injury that resulted in permanent disability. For some it was a never-ending nightmare.  In prison inmates have no control of their situation, and access to medical services doesn’t guarantee treatment. 

I knew several inmates who had suffered medical emergencies like strokes or heart attacks.  Some I knew had received traumatic injuries in fights or sports.  One guy I met was suffering from liver failure and after completing his sentence with the MDOC was being held on a detainer from another state.  He was looking forward to going to Ohio because there he would be eligible for a liver transplant. Prisoners in the MDOC are not allowed on the waiting lists for organ transplants. Most of the handicapped inmates I knew didn’t arrive in prison that way. I have watched a bunkie go from being an able-bodied lifer working in the kitchen to being wheelchair bound in a matter of weeks because of a change of medication ordered, not by his doctor but by a bureaucrat because there was a cheaper but less effective COPD medication available. Having life threatening conditions may not necessarily mean that you will receive treatment or that it might be changed to a lower cost, less effective treatment with devastating effects.

Much of how prisons operate today is based on systems developed over 100 years.  Change is always slow in coming to large systems designed around a single concept-  Inmates are in prison in order to “protect” the public.  Prison sentences have grown longer in the last 50 years in response to public outcries and political rhetoric. Social and medical science have had little impact on these often secretive and deliberately cruel institutions.  Lawsuits have had more impact on changes in prison policy and procedure than enlightened public opinion or governmental policy.  “Tough on crime” legislation increased sentence guidelines and in very few cases have they been reduced, regardless of the nearly universal agreement of researchers that it hasn’t achieved the desire effect.  That the human and financial costs to society are far higher than the return on investment.

Going to jail and prison are very stressful events. In my mid 40’s when I was arrested, I did not have gray hair.  By the time I completed my sentence in my early 50’s my hair was turning gray. Incarceration means more than just losing your freedom, it is a complete loss of control.  You no longer have a say about what happens to you. Isolation, confinement, poor nutrition, sleep deprivation, and violence all play a role in breaking you down mentally, physically and spiritually, Hours turn into days. Days turn into months. Months turn into years. Everything you once had is lost. The present is dark and scary.  The future is so far away that it is unknowable. In Prison time moves slowly but inmates age faster than on the outside.

While in prison I walked the track, even ran and worked out in the weight pit some.  There were sport leagues for softball, basketball and volleyball.  We got out of our cells and cubes as often as we could to get fresh air and exercise.  I read books from the library in order to allow my mind to visit far away places, study new ideas or work on my self improvement and spirituality. I looked forward to weekly calls home and wrote letters and created my own greeting cards. I participated in any available programming offered that I thought would look good to the parole board. But while all those things did help with the daily stresses of life behind bars, it wasn’t enough.

Prison food is legendarily awful.  Most people lose a lot of weight while in jail and prison because of the inadequate portions and poor nutritional quality.  Supplementing caloric intake from the store is expensive and the options are not healthy, mostly carbs and sugar. While I was at Mid-Michigan Correctional in St. Louis, MI, I even had to contend with polluted drinking water.  Reports of cancers, kidney failure and other health issues that did not exist in individuals before going there have been reported, due to exposure to contaminated well water that the prison used. There have been lawsuits brought against the MDOC for food and water, but there has been little if any positive change.

That being said there are a few items worth mentioning regarding legislative changes both recent and proposed here in Michigan, that are reflective of the conclusions drawn by researchers both in the US and internationally regarding the effects that incarceration has on individuals serving time.  With the help of AI I have compiled the following overview regarding the effect that prison has on the aging of those incarcerated.  To put this in context.  Prison populations in Michigan and across the nation have risen dramatically since the 1980s because of longer prison sentences that legislatures enacted.  Now many of those incarcerated are serving indeterminate sentences that we refer to as basketball scores.  Sentences that amount to life without the possibility of parole by another name.


Accelerated Aging in Prison: Michigan in National and International Context

A substantial body of medical, gerontological, and social science research demonstrates that incarceration is associated with accelerated aging. Each year spent incarcerated is associated with an estimated two‑year reduction in life expectancy. Incarcerated individuals experience earlier onset of chronic disease, functional impairment, cognitive decline, and reduced life expectancy compared to the general population. As a result, people in prison are often considered physiologically 10–15 years older than their chronological age. ¹ ²

This phenomenon has direct relevance for Michigan, where a growing share of the prison population is older and medically complex, and where recent policy reforms acknowledge—though only partially address—the implications of aging behind bars.

Health and Aging in Prison

Across U.S. and international studies, incarcerated adults show:

  • Earlier onset of geriatric conditions, including mobility limitations, sensory impairment, incontinence, and cognitive decline. ³
  • High levels of multimorbidity at younger ages than seen in the general population. ⁴
  • Elevated mortality risk and reduced life expectancy associated with time spent incarcerated. ⁵

Researchers consistently identify several drivers: cumulative life-course disadvantage prior to incarceration; chronic stress, deprivation, and loss of autonomy during imprisonment; delayed or inadequate healthcare; and prison environments designed for younger, able-bodied populations. ² ³

Michigan’s Policy Response

Michigan has explicitly recognized the challenges posed by an aging prison population and has enacted limited reforms.

Medically Frail Parole (Senate Bill 599, Public Act 111 of 2024):

  • Expanded eligibility for parole is based on serious medical conditions, terminal illness, or severe functional impairment.
  • Permits release to any parole-board–approved placement, including private homes or hospice care, rather than only licensed medical facilities.
  • Retains restrictive criteria focused on medical severity, low assessed risk, and minimal threat to public safety. ⁶ ⁷

Proposed Second Look Sentencing:

  • Would allow judicial review of long sentences after substantial time served.
  • Remains under consideration and has not yet been enacted. ⁸

Assessment:

Michigan’s approach reflects a narrow, medicalized model. While SB 599 improves access to compassionate release for the most seriously ill individuals, the state largely continues to manage aging inside prison rather than broadly reassessing long sentences for older adults. I knew several inmates who tried to apply for compassionate release due to the diagnosis of terminal diseases.  Only one received his compassionate release, but still died in prison before he could be released.

Comparison with Other U.S. States

State approaches to aging in prison vary considerably:

  • More expansive models (e.g., California, New York):
    • Provide “elder parole” or age-plus–time-served eligibility.
    • Do not require terminal illness or profound disability. ⁹ ¹⁰
  • Restrictive models (including Michigan historically):
    • Rely primarily on medical or compassionate release with narrow eligibility and low utilization. ⁷

Michigan’s position:

Recent reforms move Michigan away from the most restrictive end of the spectrum, but it remains closer to “medically frail only” systems than to states that treat advanced age and lengthy incarceration itself as grounds for sentence review. One issue that I am aware of is that while there is a process in place to make the determination of whether or not compassionate release is warranted there was no timeframe required to make the determination, which allows MDOC staff responsible for making the determination to sit on the paperwork until it becomes a moot point.

Michigan does not have “good time” or any other behavior-based system to shorten sentences to less than the Earliest Release Date.  Therefore, it is not possible to go before the parole board for consideration of mitigating factors that could be taken into account in determining whether an inmate would pose a risk if paroled back into the community. Much has been said about “aging out of crime” research that shows that as people age, they tend to take fewer risks and are less likely to commit crimes in their 30s than when they were in their teens or 20s. So, for those that received long sentences based on sentencing guidelines may actually become less of a threat to society as they mature.  This was acknowledged in the “juvenile life without possibility of parole” controversy where courts were ordered to resentance juvenile lifers taking their prison records into account.

Prison is a dangerous place and being older can make an inmate a target for theft, exploitation, extortion and violence. This can be especially true for older or handicapped inmates serving time for sex offenses. Sex offenders are seen as the lowest of the low and are singled out for abuse for no other reason.  While sex offenses are by definition violent crimes, that doesn’t mean that the perpetrator is a violent person capable of defending themselves from gang members.  Most inmates are in General Population where both violent and non-violent offenders are housed together.  It isn’t possible to segregate inmate populations based on which ones are serious about going home and those that are only there on “vacation.” The violence in prison follows the same age related curve as in society. Having been assaulted twice I know how that can affect a person. Prison is no place for the weak and defenseless but there are too many there that are just that. People to weak to pose a threat to society but are unable to be considered for any type of “unfitness for prison” designation as some other countries have.

International Comparison (United Kingdom and Europe)

International research and policy frameworks generally adopt a different orientation:

  • Aging in prison is framed primarily as a human rights and dignity issue, not solely a healthcare problem. ¹¹
  • Release decisions often focus on whether continued detention is compatible with frailty, severe disability, or cognitive impairment, rather than on diagnosis alone. ¹²
  • Greater reliance on shorter sentences, non-custodial sanctions, and compassionate release reduces the number of people aging in custody. ¹¹
  • Universal or integrated healthcare systems facilitate continuity of care following release. ¹³

Compared with these models, Michigan—like most U.S. states—places greater emphasis on managing aging within prison rather than structurally limiting long-term incarceration of older adults.

Comparative Approaches to Aging and Release from Prison

DimensionMichigan (MDOC & State Law)Other U.S. StatesInternational Models (UK / Europe)
Primary mechanism for older or infirm prisonersMedically frail parole under SB 599 (Public Act 111 of 2024); proposed but unenacted Second Look Sentencing¹²Mix of medical parole, geriatric/elder parole, resentencing, and executive clemency; scope varies widely by state³⁴Compassionate or medical release combined with generally shorter sentences and broader use of non‑custodial sanctions⁵⁶
Trigger for releaseSerious or terminal medical condition, severe functional impairment, dementia, minimal public‑safety risk¹Often age plus time served (e.g., 50–65 years old with 10–25+ years served), sometimes without terminal illness requirement³⁷Terminal illness, severe disability, or determination that continued detention is incompatible with dignity or human‑rights standards⁵⁸
Placement after releaseAny parole‑board–approved placement, including private homes or hospice (expanded by SB 599)¹Some states require placement in licensed medical facilities; others allow home or community placement³Typically home, hospice, or community care settings, often integrated with national health systems⁶⁹
Definition of eligibilityNarrow and medicalized: diagnosis‑ and impairment‑based; age alone is insufficient¹²Highly variable; some states recognize “geriatric” status by age, others rely almost exclusively on medical criteria³⁴Often framed as “unfitness for imprisonment” or disproportionate punishment, rather than age or diagnosis alone⁵⁸
Overall policy orientationIncremental and restrictive; focuses on releasing only the sickest individuals while most age and die in prison¹²Patchwork system: ranges from expansive elder‑parole frameworks to rarely used medical release mechanisms³⁴Greater emphasis on proportionality, dignity, and limiting long‑term incarceration of frail or elderly people⁵⁶

Key Takeaways

  • Research consensus: Prisons are aging-accelerating environments.
  • Michigan: Acknowledges accelerated aging but relies on narrow, medically driven release mechanisms.
  • Other U.S. states: Offer a patchwork ranging from restrictive medical parole to broader elder-parole systems.
  • International models: Emphasize proportionality, dignity, and reduced reliance on incarceration for older and frail individuals.

Bottom line:
Michigan has made incremental progress but compared with more expansive U.S. reforms and international approaches, it continues to prioritize selective medical release over broader reassessment of long sentences and the appropriateness of incarcerating older adults.

The research also shows that the effects of aging in prison are not easily mitigated after parole.  These are life expectancy shortening, quality of life issues that are the unintended consequences of incarceration.  In a society solely focused on retribution rather than rehabilitation and reconciliation there needs to be more discussion, not based on emotions but rather on scientific evidence to guide decision making.  There needs to be less of a proscribed one-size-fits-all approach to sentencing guidelines and more of an individual evaluation of whether or not a person is still considered a threat to society.  Give the parole and clemency boards the ability to determine if the time spent in prison has resulted in meaningful and measurable reform.  Provide more structural support during parole to ensure the successful reintegration back into society.  All of these things together would reduce prison populations and minimize this aging effect, thereby reducing long term costs associated with incarceration and medical care.

Footnotes

  1. Berg, M. T. et al., Losing Years Doing Time: Incarceration Exposure and Accelerated Biological Aging, Journal of Health and Social Behavior (2021).
  2. Doherty, E. E. et al., Examining the Relationship Between Incarceration and Healthy Aging, Journal of Developmental and Life‑Course Criminology (2025).
  3. Prison Policy Initiative, Graying Prisons: States Face Challenges of an Aging Inmate Population (2018).
  4. American College of Physicians, Health Care Implications of the Rapidly Aging Incarcerated Population.
  5. ACLU & Prison and Jail Innovation Lab, Trapped in Time: The Silent Crisis of Elderly Incarceration (2025).
  6. Michigan Legislature, Senate Bill 599 (Public Act 111 of 2024).
  7. Michigan Allows More Releases for Medically Frail Prisoners, Prison Legal News (2025).
  8. WCMU Public Media, reporting on proposed Second Look Sentencing legislation.
  9. National Conference of State Legislatures, analysis of elder parole statutes (cited in The Marshall Project, 2026).
  10. Davis Vanguard, Debate Grows Over Elder Parole Bill in New York (2026).
  11. Prison Reform Trust, Growing Old in Prison (UK).
  12. UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, submissions on older persons deprived of liberty.
  13. Gavin, P. et al., Healthcare and Social Care Needs of Older Prisoners in England and Wales, Social Sciences (2025).

Table Footnotes

  1. Michigan Legislature, Senate Bill 599 (Public Act 111 of 2024), amending medically frail parole eligibility.
  2. Michigan Allows More Releases for Medically Frail Prisoners, Prison Legal News (2025).
  3. National Conference of State Legislatures, surveys of elder‑parole and geriatric‑release statutes (cited in The Marshall Project, 2026).
  4. How States Are Grappling With an Aging Prison Population, The Marshall Project (2026).
  5. Prison Reform Trust, Growing Old in Prison (UK).
  6. Gavin et al., Healthcare and Social Care Needs of Older Prisoners in England and Wales, Social Sciences (2025).
  7. Davis Vanguard, Debate Grows Over Elder Parole Bill in New York (2026).
  8. UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, submissions on older persons deprived of liberty and compatibility of detention with human‑rights standards.
  9. Penal Reform International, Global Prison Trends and European prison‑health integration analyses.

Second Chances

There has been much said about whether or not those convicted of committing a crime should be given a second chance.  A wide variety of voices in our culture have made their opinions perfectly clear.  “Tough On Crime” was a political approach that emphasizes strict enforcement of laws and harsher penalties for offenders, often associated with policies aimed at reducing crime rates through increased policing and incarceration. This strategy has been a significant part of political discourse, particularly in the United States, and has seen a resurgence in recent years among various political leaders. But does it really work? 

The Southern Poverty Law Center reports that Mandatory minimums effectively shift the power of sentencing from judges to prosecutors, resulting in less objective and more politicized outcomes. Although they are largely used for drug and other nonviolent crimes, mandatory minimum sentences can apply to a wide range of offenses. When mandatory minimums are in effect, the ultimate sentence will be based on the specific offense charged. This means that prosecutors have enormous, unchecked power because by choosing which charges to bring, they are also selecting the sentence the person will receive if convicted. This results in an imbalance of power and a high risk of unfair outcomes. For example, regardless of guilt, the threat of specific charges that carry stiff mandatory minimums may encourage people to plead guilty to a different crime with lower penalties. Furthermore, the exploitation of mandatory minimums effectively prevents judges from considering the totality of the circumstances when determining an appropriate sentence after a person has been found guilty of a crime. Historically, one of the roles of judges was to adjudicate an appropriate punishment. Usurping the judges’ role is especially problematic considering 98% of federal convictions are the result of guilty pleas over which prosecutors completely control the terms; very few people resolve their case with a trial.

A primary rationale behind mandatory minimum sentences was to deter crime. Today, the average federal sentence for people convicted of a mandatory minimum offense is 151 months; when the mandatory minimum is for drug offenses, it is 138 months.  Contrary to the notion that these sentences will have a deterrent effect, ample research demonstrates that mandatory minimums do not decrease crime and, in fact, they likely generate more crime. Ample research concludes that imprisoning people not only does not lessen the likelihood that people will reoffend, but it can actually increase it. This may be for a multitude of reasons: Prisons are a place of trauma, people released from prison face stigma and economic hurdles, and people may struggle to return to families and communities after being away for so long. A policy of seeking harsh sentences will not improve public safety, but it will certainly destroy communities.1

There’s a growing movement to replace the tough on crime approach with a more evidence-based, data-driven, and compassionate approach to criminal justice. This “Smart On Crime” approach seeks to reduce the number of people behind bars, while still protecting public safety, by focusing on evidence-based policies that have been proven to be effective at reducing crime and recidivism.

One of the key components of the smart on crime approach is a focus on rehabilitation and reentry. This means investing in education, job training, and mental health and substance abuse treatment programs to help people who’ve been incarcerated successfully reintegrate into society and avoid reoffending. By investing in these programs, we can reduce the number of people who end up back in prison, while also improving public safety.2

Recidivism is the tendency of a convicted criminal to repeat or reoffend a crime after already receiving punishment or serving their sentence. The term is often used in conjunction with substance abuse as a synonym for “relapse” but is specifically used for criminal behavior. The United States has some of the highest recidivism rates in the world. According to the National Institute of Justice, almost 44% of criminals released, returned before the first year out of prison. In 2005, about 68% of 405,000 released prisoners were arrested for a new crime within three years, and 77% were arrested within five years.

Factors contributing to recidivism include a person’s social environment and community, their circumstances before incarceration, events during their incarceration, and one of the main reasons, difficulty adjusting back into normal life. Many of these individuals have trouble reconnecting with family and finding a job to support themselves. Incarceration rates in the U.S. began increasing dramatically in the 1990s. The U.S. has the highest prison population of any country, comprising 25% of the world’s prisoners. Prisons are overcrowded, and inmates are forced to live in inhumane conditions, even those who are innocent and awaiting trial.

The United States justice system places its efforts on getting criminals off the streets by locking them up but fails to fix the issue of preventing these people from reoffending afterward. This is why many believe that the U.S. prison system is greatly flawed. Recidivism affects everyone: the offender, their family, the victim of the crime, law enforcement, and the community overall. Crime can affect anyone in any community. If a previously incarcerated person is released only to repeat an offense or act out a new crime, there will be new victims. Furthermore, taxpayers are impacted by the economic cost of crime and incarceration as the average per-inmate cost of incarceration in the U.S. is $31,286 per year.

Steps can be taken during incarceration to decrease recidivism. First is assessing the risks for reoffending and the criminogenic needs that contributed to breaking the law, such as a lack of self-control or antisocial peer group. The second is to assess their individual motivators, followed by choosing the appropriate treatment program. The fourth step is to implement evidence-based programming that emphasizes cognitive-behavioral strategies, coupled with positive reinforcement that can help them recognize and feel good about positive behavior. Lastly, the formerly incarcerated need ongoing support from a good peer group, as repeat offenders who were in gang culture have the greatest challenge to stay away from that behavior.3

The Second Chance Act, officially known as H.R. 1593, was enacted on April 9, 2008. Its aim was to improve the reintegration of formerly incarcerated individuals into society. The Act provided federal grants to state and local governments and nonprofit organizations to support reentry programs.

Goals of the Act

Reduce Recidivism: The Act focuses on lowering the rates of reoffending among released individuals.

Enhance Public Safety: By supporting successful reintegration, the Act aims to improve community safety.

Support Services: It provides funding for various services, including:

  • Employment assistance
  • Substance abuse treatment
  • Housing support
  • Family programming
  • Mentoring services

Nationally

Since its passage in 2008, the Second Chance Act has invested $1.2 billion, infusing state and local efforts to improve outcomes for people leaving prison and jail with unprecedented resources and energy. Over the past 15 years, the Bureau of Justice Assistance and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention have awarded funding to 1,123 Second Chance Act grantees to improve reentry outcomes for individuals, families, and communities.1 And critically, the Second Chance Act-funded National Reentry Resource Center has built up a connective tissue across local, state, Tribal, and federal reentry initiatives, convening the many disparate actors who contribute to reentry success.

The result? A reentry landscape that would have been unrecognizable before the Second Chance Act’s passage. State and local correctional agencies across the country now enthusiastically agree that ensuring reentry success is core to their missions. And they are not alone: state agencies that work on everything from housing and mental health to education and transportation now agree that they too have a role to play in determining outcomes for people leaving prison or jail.

Community-based organizations, many led or staffed by people who were once justice involved themselves, are contributing passion and creativity, standing up innovative programs to connect people with housing, jobs, education, treatment, and more. Researchers have built a rich body of evidence about what works to reduce criminal justice involvement and improve reentry outcomes, allowing the National Reentry Resource Center to create and disseminate toolkits and frameworks to support jurisdictions to scale up effective approaches. And private corporations that once saw criminal justice involvement as fatal to a candidate’s job application are now using their platforms to champion second chance employment as both a moral and business imperative.

The efforts of these key stakeholders are bigger, bolder, and better coordinated than ever, and they are producing results. Recidivism has declined significantly in states across the country, saving governments money, keeping neighborhoods safer, and allowing people to leave their justice involvement behind in favor of rich and meaningful lives in their communities.4

Closer to home

Michigan currently has a recidivism rate measured at 21.0%, the lowest rate on state record. The rate measures those who are three years from their parole date and records how many individuals have reoffended and returned to prison within that timeframe. The latest report shows a 79.0% success rate of those paroled not returning to prison.

MDOC has undertaken numerous evidence-based programs to continue reducing the state’s recidivism rate including supporting access to vital documents, housing, and recovery resources; job placement assistance; and effective supervision and care while individuals are incarcerated and on parole.

Prison educational programs have been seeing significant success with thousands of graduates since their inception. There are now 14 skilled trades programs and 12 post-secondary education programs operating in correctional facilities across the state, with additional programs expected to be added next year.

“This report shows that when we provide a full circle support system to those reentering our communities, they are less likely to return,” Director Heidi E. Washington said. “I am proud of our dedicated MDOC staff, and appreciate the support of our partners, all of whom help motivate and lift up those we are welcoming back into our communities. With increased support for reentry programing, we are very likely to see the state recidivism rate continue to decline.”

This report connects directly with a recently released MDOC prison population report which showed the lowest prison population since 1991, with 32,778 incarcerated individuals statewide, down from a peak of 51,554 individuals in 2007, illustrating success in rehabilitating offenders.5

Why this matters today

The Second Chance Act is up for reauthorization again this year.  It has not attracted much public attention with all the other actions taking place in Washington that have overshadowed this crucial piece of legislation. The Second Chance Reauthorization Act of 2025 (H.R. 3552/S. 1843) aims to enhance rehabilitation efforts for individuals transitioning from incarceration back into their communities.

Key Provisions

Grant Programs

  • Reauthorization: Extends grant programs for five additional years.
  • Support Services: Provides funding for reentry services, including housing, employment training, and addiction treatment.

Focus Areas

  • Substance Use Treatment: Enhances services for individuals with substance use disorders, including peer recovery and case management.
  • Transitional Housing: Expands allowable uses for supportive housing services for those reentering society.

Impact and Importance

  • Recidivism Reduction: Research indicates that effective reentry programs can reduce recidivism rates by 23% since 2008.
  • Community Safety: By supporting successful reintegration, the Act aims to improve public safety and reduce the burden on the criminal justice system.

The Senate passed the Act on October 9, 2025, as part of the National Defense Authorization Act, and it is now awaiting consideration in the House of Representatives.  Tell your Representatives to pass this bill and see it enacted in law so that the progress made in reducing recidivism and US prison populations will continue.

Find Your Representative | house.gov


End Notes

1 https://www.splcenter.org/resources/guides/trump-tough-on-crime-memo-faq/

2 Why the Tough on Crime Approach is Failing and What We Can Do About It – LAMA

3 Recidivism Rates by State 2025

4 50 States, 1 Goal: Examining State-Level Recidivism Trends in the Second Chance Act Era – CSG Justice Center