Sunshine Laws and the Black Box of American Prisons

In theory, the United States has long embraced the idea that democracy depends on public access to government information. At the federal level, the Freedom of Information Act created a formal pathway for requesting records. In every state, some version of a public records law, open meetings law, or “sunshine law” is supposed to let the public see how government power is exercised. But prisons expose the limits of that promise. Few state institutions exercise more power over daily human life than prisons and jails, yet few are more difficult to examine from the outside. Families, journalists, researchers, lawyers, and advocates often find that the closer they get to questions about medical neglect, solitary confinement, use of force, staffing failures, or deaths in custody, the more the system closes ranks.

This tension sits at the center of any serious discussion about prison conditions in the United States. Sunshine laws are designed to make government visible. Prisons are often structured to remain opaque. The result is a constant struggle over records, inspections, grievance data, disciplinary reports, surveillance footage, contracts, and even basic statistics. The public may assume that if abuse is serious enough, the facts will eventually come out. In practice, information about prison conditions is often delayed, redacted, fragmented, prohibitively expensive to obtain, or withheld outright under broad claims of security, privacy, or administrative burden. Even when records are released, they may arrive months or years too late to prevent harm. That gap between the ideal of transparency and the reality of incarceration is one of the defining accountability problems in American public life.

What Sunshine Laws Are Supposed to Do

“Sunshine laws” is a broad label for the rules that require government openness. They usually include two related ideas: the right to access government records and the right to observe certain government meetings. At the federal level, FOIA applies to federal agencies. At the state level, public records laws differ sharply from one jurisdiction to another. Some states have relatively strong disclosure requirements, short deadlines, and meaningful appeal mechanisms. Others have broad exemptions, weak enforcement, and long delays. Recent reporting and transparency guidance continue to emphasize that all 50 states have some form of open records law, but the strength of those laws varies dramatically, creating a patchwork rather than a uniform national standard [1][2]. In ordinary civic life, sunshine laws help citizens inspect budgets, contracts, policy memos, emails, meeting minutes, and enforcement records. They are meant to deter misconduct by making secrecy harder. But in the prison context, open records requests often collide with agencies that are institutionally resistant to outside scrutiny. Corrections departments routinely argue that disclosure could compromise safety, reveal security procedures, invade privacy, or burden staff. Some of those concerns are legitimate in limited circumstances. Many are also used expansively, turning narrow exemptions into broad shields against public oversight. That is why prison transparency often depends not only on the text of a sunshine law, but on whether requesters have the time, money, and legal support to fight denials.

Why Prisons Are So Hard to See Clearly

Prisons are closed institutions by design. They are physically isolated, highly bureaucratic, and controlled by agencies that manage movement, communication, and information at every level. The people with the most direct knowledge of conditions inside are incarcerated people and correctional staff, but each faces pressures’ that can suppress what becomes public. Incarcerated people may fear retaliation for filing grievances or speaking to reporters. Staff may be constrained by institutional loyalty, labor concerns, or fear of discipline. Families are often dependent on sporadic phone calls, letters, or visits. Journalists usually cannot enter freely, and researchers may face lengthy approval processes or be denied access entirely. When an institution is both coercive and insulated, independent fact-finding becomes unusually difficult.

The problem is compounded by fragmentation. Information about prison conditions is rarely stored in one clean, public archive. Medical records may be held by a private contractor, Staffing data by the corrections department, Death investigations may involve internal affairs units, county coroners, state inspectors general, or local prosecutors. Video footage may be retained under separate policies with short deletion windows. Use-of-force incidents may generate incident reports, witness statements, body camera or fixed camera files, disciplinary findings, and lawsuit records, all governed by different rules. By the time a requester figures out who has what, some of the most important evidence may already be gone.

A Patchwork of Laws, Exemptions, and Delay

One of the biggest barriers to understanding prison conditions is that there is no single transparency regime. Federal prisons are subject to federal law, while state prisons and local jails are governed primarily by state and local rules. That means nearly identical requests can produce completely different outcomes depending on where a facility is located and how aggressively an agency interprets its exemptions. Recent analyses of detention-related records requests have shown that the same kinds of documents may be released in one jurisdiction and withheld in another, not because the public interest differs, but because the legal framework does [3][4].

Agencies often rely on a familiar set of justifications: security exemptions, law-enforcement exemptions, ongoing investigation exemptions, personal privacy protections, and vague claims that records do not exist in the form requested. Some departments demand high copying or processing fees. Others delay so long that the requester is forced to sue or abandon the effort. The Marshall Project recently described public records battles in which agencies stalled for years or quoted costs of thousands of dollars before handing over information, underscoring how formal access rights can be undermined in practice [5].

Delays are especially damaging in the prison context because conditions can change quickly and evidence can disappear. If a family is trying to understand a relative’s death, if a reporter is investigating an outbreak, or if advocates are tracking lockdowns and medical neglect, information delivered a year later is not the same as meaningful transparency. Records may also be incomplete or inaccurate. Missing pages, heavy redactions, inconsistent coding, and contradictory incident descriptions can make it nearly impossible to reconstruct what actually happened. In that sense, opacity is not just about outright refusal. It is also about producing information in forms that are technically compliant but substantively unhelpful.

The Information the Public Most Needs Is Often the Hardest to Get

Some of the most important records concern death, illness, injury, and grievance systems. How many people died in custody last year? How many suicides were preceded by warning signs? How long were people waiting for specialist care? How many grievances alleged staff assault, denial of medication, exposure to extreme heat, or retaliation? These are not abstract management questions. They are core indicators of whether a government institution is meeting minimal constitutional and human obligations. Yet these data are often difficult to access in timely, usable form. Recent state legislative trends have focused on requiring more public reporting about deaths in custody and creating new oversight structures precisely because this information has historically been so hard to obtain [6][7].

Other categories are equally revealing and equally contested: the use of solitary confinement, frequency of lockdowns, staff vacancy rates, incidents involving chemical agents, and allegations of sexual abuse or excessive force. These records tell the public whether harsh conditions are exceptional or routine. But corrections agencies often resist publishing them in standardized formats. A recent resource from The Remedy Project, drawing on nearly 25 years of federal grievance data obtained through FOIA, demonstrates both the scale of public interest and the extraordinary effort required to make such information visible. According to that project, the data includes 1.78 million grievance-related records from the federal administrative remedy system, a reminder that crucial insight into prison conditions may exist for years before the public can actually see it [8][9].

Why Transparency Matters Beyond Curiosity

Transparency about prison conditions is not a niche concern for criminal justice specialists. Prisons are publicly funded institutions that exercise state power in its most coercive form. Taxpayers fund them. Legislators regulate them. Courts review them. Communities absorb the consequences when people are released from facilities marked by violence, neglect, untreated illness, or chronic isolation. Without reliable information, oversight becomes performative. Public debate shrinks to slogans. Agencies can claim that conditions are improving without producing evidence, and lawmakers can avoid difficult reforms by pleading ignorance.

Transparency also matters because the alternatives are weak. Litigation can expose abusive conditions, but lawsuits are slow, expensive, and narrow. Courts usually address specific claims after harm has already occurred. Scholars and advocates have long argued that the United States relies too heavily on litigation as a substitute for ordinary, independent oversight of prisons. Recent commentary on prison oversight has emphasized how unusual that is compared with other public institutions and how many states still lack external, independent prison oversight bodies altogether [10].

Signs of Progress, but Not Yet a Culture of Openness

There are signs of movement. At the federal level, the Brennan Center for Justice has explained that the 2024 Federal Prison Oversight Act created new mechanisms for regular inspections and public reporting in the federal system. The law responds to years of reporting and official findings about preventable deaths, sexual abuse, staffing failures, and deteriorating facilities. The U.S. Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General has likewise continued to identify chronic problems in the Federal Bureau of Prisons, including staffing shortages, infrastructure failures, healthcare deficiencies, contraband, and sexual abuse by staff. These developments matter because they recognize a basic truth: Conditions inside prisons do not improve reliably when agencies are left to monitor themselves [11][12][13].

At the state level, lawmakers in several jurisdictions have begun requiring more disclosure around deaths in custody, inspections, and ombudsman oversight. But the broader picture remains uneven. New reporting mandates in one state do nothing for families in another. A dashboard created by an advocacy group may illuminate federal grievance trends, while a neighboring county jail still provides almost no public information beyond population counts. Reform is happening, but it is additive and piecemeal, not systemic. The culture of corrections administration in much of the country still treats outside scrutiny as a threat rather than a public obligation.

What Meaningful Transparency Would Actually Require

If the United States is serious about transparency in corrections, it cannot rely exclusively on individual records requests. Meaningful openness requires proactive disclosure: routine publication of deaths in custody, serious injury reports, staffing levels, lockdown frequency, grievance categories, inspection findings, contracts with private vendors, and outcomes of substantiated misconduct investigations. It also requires standard definitions and machine-readable formats so that the public can compare facilities over time. Data that exists only in scattered PDFs, delayed spreadsheets, or heavily redacted narrative files does not create real accountability.

Just as important, sunshine laws alone are not enough without independent oversight bodies that can inspect facilities, interview incarcerated people confidentially, review records without agency permission, and publish findings publicly. Open-records rights help after the fact. Oversight bodies can identify problems while they are ongoing. The two approaches should reinforce each other. One gives the public tools to ask questions; the other creates institutions with the authority and expertise to keep asking them even when the public is not watching closely.

The American Correctional Association’s Potential Role

The American Correctional Association plays a significant role in this discussion because it is one of the best-known accrediting bodies in corrections. Through its Commission on Accreditation for Corrections, the association sets standards for prisons, jails, community corrections, and related services, and it describes accreditation as a process for verifying compliance with national correctional standards. According to the association, those standards are intended to improve safety, sanitation, staff training, record maintenance, data management, and the overall operation of correctional facilities [14][15][16]. In theory, that makes ACA accreditation relevant to many of the very deficiencies that drive public demands for sunshine laws in the first place.

If used rigorously, accreditation could help address some of the structural weaknesses identified in this article before they become scandals or litigation. Standards that require better recordkeeping, clearer policies, staff training, health and safety procedures, sanitation practices, incident review, and quality assurance can create a more disciplined internal compliance culture. In that sense, an accrediting body could serve as a preventive mechanism rather than merely a symbolic one. It could push facilities to document deaths, use-of-force incidents, medical practices, grievance handling, and environmental conditions more consistently, making it harder for serious failures to remain invisible. Strong accreditation could also complement sunshine laws by improving the quality, consistency, and retention of the records that outside requesters later seek.

At the same time, accreditation is not the same thing as transparency, and it is not a substitute for independent public oversight. That distinction matters. Critics have argued for years that ACA accreditation can become too deferential to the institutions it evaluates, especially when accreditation is treated as evidence that a facility is operating well despite persistent reports of abuse or neglect. Recent reporting and public criticism have highlighted allegations that the process can function more like a compliance exercise than a searching external review, particularly when agencies have advance notice, pay accreditation fees, and remain deeply involved in the production of the very materials being assessed [17][18]. If accreditation is to reduce the need for sunshine-law battles, it must be credible, probing, and willing to identify deficiencies publicly rather than merely certify formal compliance.

In the best case, the American Correctional Association could help narrow the gap between internal management and public accountability. It could do that by strengthening standards related to documentation, medical quality, grievance systems, use-of-force review, staffing, and humane conditions of confinement, while also making accreditation findings more transparent and easier for the public to understand. But unless accreditation is paired with genuine independence and public visibility, it will only partially address the underlying problem. Sunshine laws are still necessary because the public needs a way to test official claims, not simply rely on them.  The ACA acts as both an industry trade association and accrediting body.  Its history is an important part of American corrections for both good and bad. In terms of our discussion regarding transparency about the ACAs role in the corrections industry I would refer you the Wikipedia entry about the American Correctional Association for more information.

Conclusion

Sunshine laws are rooted in a simple democratic premise: government should not be allowed to operate in darkness. But when it comes to prisons in the United States, darkness is not an accident. It is often built into the institution through physical isolation, legal fragmentation, bureaucratic delay, and a longstanding culture of secrecy. That is why obtaining reliable information about prison conditions remains so difficult even when public records laws formally exist. The question is not only whether the law allows a request to be filed. The real question is whether the public can get timely, usable, comparable information before harm is buried by process.

For journalists, researchers, advocates, lawmakers, and families, the struggle for prison transparency is ultimately a struggle over whether incarceration will remain a black box. A society that claims to value the rule of law cannot treat its most coercive institutions as exempt from ordinary public scrutiny. Stronger sunshine laws, narrower exemptions, lower costs, faster response times, proactive publication, and independent correctional oversight will not solve every abuse behind bars. But without them, the public will continue to learn about prison conditions only after scandal, tragedy, or litigation forces a narrow beam of light through a door that was never meant to open.

References

  1. National Conference of State Legislatures. “Public Records Law and State Legislatures.” Updated April 16, 2025.
  2. National Freedom of Information Coalition. “State Freedom of Information Laws.” Accessed May 12, 2026.
  3. Prison Policy Initiative. “A Guide to Public Records Requests for Advocates Seeking Reform of the Criminal Legal System.” Accessed May 12, 2026.
  4. National Immigrant Justice Center. “State & Local Records Requests.” 2022.
  5. The Marshall Project. “Public Records Shed Light on the Justice System — But It Can Be a Battle to Get Them.” March 12, 2026.
  6. National Conference of State Legislatures. “Trends in Corrections Data and Transparency.” Updated July 22, 2025.
  7. Project On Government Oversight. “How States Are (and Aren’t) Collecting Death-In-Custody Data.” November 19, 2024.
  8. The Remedy Project. “The Remedy Project Launches Data Dashboard Tracking Conditions and Complaints in Federal Prisons.” April 29, 2025.
  9. Data Liberation Project. “Federal Inmate Complaints.” First published July 9, 2024.
  10. Prison Policy Initiative. “Research Spotlight: PrisonOversight.org Equips the Fight for Accountability in Jails and Prisons.” March 25, 2024.
  11. Brennan Center for Justice. “The Federal Prison Oversight Act, Explained.” September 9, 2025.
  12. Congress.gov. “Federal Prison Oversight Act,” Public Law 118–71, July 25, 2024.
  13. U.S. Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General. “Reports – Federal Bureau of Prisons.” Accessed May 12, 2026.
  14. American Correctional Association. “Standards.” Accessed May 12, 2026.
  15. American Correctional Association. “Frequently Asked Questions.” Accessed May 12, 2026.
  16. American Correctional Association. “Commission on Accreditation for Corrections.” Accessed May 12, 2026.
  17. The Appeal. “Nonprofit Prison Accreditor Perpetuates Abuse and Neglect, Senators Say.” February 29, 2024.
  18. Prison Legal News. “Federal Watchdog Slams BOP for Sham Accreditations.” July 1, 2024.

Second Chances

There has been much said about whether or not those convicted of committing a crime should be given a second chance.  A wide variety of voices in our culture have made their opinions perfectly clear.  “Tough On Crime” was a political approach that emphasizes strict enforcement of laws and harsher penalties for offenders, often associated with policies aimed at reducing crime rates through increased policing and incarceration. This strategy has been a significant part of political discourse, particularly in the United States, and has seen a resurgence in recent years among various political leaders. But does it really work? 

The Southern Poverty Law Center reports that Mandatory minimums effectively shift the power of sentencing from judges to prosecutors, resulting in less objective and more politicized outcomes. Although they are largely used for drug and other nonviolent crimes, mandatory minimum sentences can apply to a wide range of offenses. When mandatory minimums are in effect, the ultimate sentence will be based on the specific offense charged. This means that prosecutors have enormous, unchecked power because by choosing which charges to bring, they are also selecting the sentence the person will receive if convicted. This results in an imbalance of power and a high risk of unfair outcomes. For example, regardless of guilt, the threat of specific charges that carry stiff mandatory minimums may encourage people to plead guilty to a different crime with lower penalties. Furthermore, the exploitation of mandatory minimums effectively prevents judges from considering the totality of the circumstances when determining an appropriate sentence after a person has been found guilty of a crime. Historically, one of the roles of judges was to adjudicate an appropriate punishment. Usurping the judges’ role is especially problematic considering 98% of federal convictions are the result of guilty pleas over which prosecutors completely control the terms; very few people resolve their case with a trial.

A primary rationale behind mandatory minimum sentences was to deter crime. Today, the average federal sentence for people convicted of a mandatory minimum offense is 151 months; when the mandatory minimum is for drug offenses, it is 138 months.  Contrary to the notion that these sentences will have a deterrent effect, ample research demonstrates that mandatory minimums do not decrease crime and, in fact, they likely generate more crime. Ample research concludes that imprisoning people not only does not lessen the likelihood that people will reoffend, but it can actually increase it. This may be for a multitude of reasons: Prisons are a place of trauma, people released from prison face stigma and economic hurdles, and people may struggle to return to families and communities after being away for so long. A policy of seeking harsh sentences will not improve public safety, but it will certainly destroy communities.1

There’s a growing movement to replace the tough on crime approach with a more evidence-based, data-driven, and compassionate approach to criminal justice. This “Smart On Crime” approach seeks to reduce the number of people behind bars, while still protecting public safety, by focusing on evidence-based policies that have been proven to be effective at reducing crime and recidivism.

One of the key components of the smart on crime approach is a focus on rehabilitation and reentry. This means investing in education, job training, and mental health and substance abuse treatment programs to help people who’ve been incarcerated successfully reintegrate into society and avoid reoffending. By investing in these programs, we can reduce the number of people who end up back in prison, while also improving public safety.2

Recidivism is the tendency of a convicted criminal to repeat or reoffend a crime after already receiving punishment or serving their sentence. The term is often used in conjunction with substance abuse as a synonym for “relapse” but is specifically used for criminal behavior. The United States has some of the highest recidivism rates in the world. According to the National Institute of Justice, almost 44% of criminals released, returned before the first year out of prison. In 2005, about 68% of 405,000 released prisoners were arrested for a new crime within three years, and 77% were arrested within five years.

Factors contributing to recidivism include a person’s social environment and community, their circumstances before incarceration, events during their incarceration, and one of the main reasons, difficulty adjusting back into normal life. Many of these individuals have trouble reconnecting with family and finding a job to support themselves. Incarceration rates in the U.S. began increasing dramatically in the 1990s. The U.S. has the highest prison population of any country, comprising 25% of the world’s prisoners. Prisons are overcrowded, and inmates are forced to live in inhumane conditions, even those who are innocent and awaiting trial.

The United States justice system places its efforts on getting criminals off the streets by locking them up but fails to fix the issue of preventing these people from reoffending afterward. This is why many believe that the U.S. prison system is greatly flawed. Recidivism affects everyone: the offender, their family, the victim of the crime, law enforcement, and the community overall. Crime can affect anyone in any community. If a previously incarcerated person is released only to repeat an offense or act out a new crime, there will be new victims. Furthermore, taxpayers are impacted by the economic cost of crime and incarceration as the average per-inmate cost of incarceration in the U.S. is $31,286 per year.

Steps can be taken during incarceration to decrease recidivism. First is assessing the risks for reoffending and the criminogenic needs that contributed to breaking the law, such as a lack of self-control or antisocial peer group. The second is to assess their individual motivators, followed by choosing the appropriate treatment program. The fourth step is to implement evidence-based programming that emphasizes cognitive-behavioral strategies, coupled with positive reinforcement that can help them recognize and feel good about positive behavior. Lastly, the formerly incarcerated need ongoing support from a good peer group, as repeat offenders who were in gang culture have the greatest challenge to stay away from that behavior.3

The Second Chance Act, officially known as H.R. 1593, was enacted on April 9, 2008. Its aim was to improve the reintegration of formerly incarcerated individuals into society. The Act provided federal grants to state and local governments and nonprofit organizations to support reentry programs.

Goals of the Act

Reduce Recidivism: The Act focuses on lowering the rates of reoffending among released individuals.

Enhance Public Safety: By supporting successful reintegration, the Act aims to improve community safety.

Support Services: It provides funding for various services, including:

  • Employment assistance
  • Substance abuse treatment
  • Housing support
  • Family programming
  • Mentoring services

Nationally

Since its passage in 2008, the Second Chance Act has invested $1.2 billion, infusing state and local efforts to improve outcomes for people leaving prison and jail with unprecedented resources and energy. Over the past 15 years, the Bureau of Justice Assistance and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention have awarded funding to 1,123 Second Chance Act grantees to improve reentry outcomes for individuals, families, and communities.1 And critically, the Second Chance Act-funded National Reentry Resource Center has built up a connective tissue across local, state, Tribal, and federal reentry initiatives, convening the many disparate actors who contribute to reentry success.

The result? A reentry landscape that would have been unrecognizable before the Second Chance Act’s passage. State and local correctional agencies across the country now enthusiastically agree that ensuring reentry success is core to their missions. And they are not alone: state agencies that work on everything from housing and mental health to education and transportation now agree that they too have a role to play in determining outcomes for people leaving prison or jail.

Community-based organizations, many led or staffed by people who were once justice involved themselves, are contributing passion and creativity, standing up innovative programs to connect people with housing, jobs, education, treatment, and more. Researchers have built a rich body of evidence about what works to reduce criminal justice involvement and improve reentry outcomes, allowing the National Reentry Resource Center to create and disseminate toolkits and frameworks to support jurisdictions to scale up effective approaches. And private corporations that once saw criminal justice involvement as fatal to a candidate’s job application are now using their platforms to champion second chance employment as both a moral and business imperative.

The efforts of these key stakeholders are bigger, bolder, and better coordinated than ever, and they are producing results. Recidivism has declined significantly in states across the country, saving governments money, keeping neighborhoods safer, and allowing people to leave their justice involvement behind in favor of rich and meaningful lives in their communities.4

Closer to home

Michigan currently has a recidivism rate measured at 21.0%, the lowest rate on state record. The rate measures those who are three years from their parole date and records how many individuals have reoffended and returned to prison within that timeframe. The latest report shows a 79.0% success rate of those paroled not returning to prison.

MDOC has undertaken numerous evidence-based programs to continue reducing the state’s recidivism rate including supporting access to vital documents, housing, and recovery resources; job placement assistance; and effective supervision and care while individuals are incarcerated and on parole.

Prison educational programs have been seeing significant success with thousands of graduates since their inception. There are now 14 skilled trades programs and 12 post-secondary education programs operating in correctional facilities across the state, with additional programs expected to be added next year.

“This report shows that when we provide a full circle support system to those reentering our communities, they are less likely to return,” Director Heidi E. Washington said. “I am proud of our dedicated MDOC staff, and appreciate the support of our partners, all of whom help motivate and lift up those we are welcoming back into our communities. With increased support for reentry programing, we are very likely to see the state recidivism rate continue to decline.”

This report connects directly with a recently released MDOC prison population report which showed the lowest prison population since 1991, with 32,778 incarcerated individuals statewide, down from a peak of 51,554 individuals in 2007, illustrating success in rehabilitating offenders.5

Why this matters today

The Second Chance Act is up for reauthorization again this year.  It has not attracted much public attention with all the other actions taking place in Washington that have overshadowed this crucial piece of legislation. The Second Chance Reauthorization Act of 2025 (H.R. 3552/S. 1843) aims to enhance rehabilitation efforts for individuals transitioning from incarceration back into their communities.

Key Provisions

Grant Programs

  • Reauthorization: Extends grant programs for five additional years.
  • Support Services: Provides funding for reentry services, including housing, employment training, and addiction treatment.

Focus Areas

  • Substance Use Treatment: Enhances services for individuals with substance use disorders, including peer recovery and case management.
  • Transitional Housing: Expands allowable uses for supportive housing services for those reentering society.

Impact and Importance

  • Recidivism Reduction: Research indicates that effective reentry programs can reduce recidivism rates by 23% since 2008.
  • Community Safety: By supporting successful reintegration, the Act aims to improve public safety and reduce the burden on the criminal justice system.

The Senate passed the Act on October 9, 2025, as part of the National Defense Authorization Act, and it is now awaiting consideration in the House of Representatives.  Tell your Representatives to pass this bill and see it enacted in law so that the progress made in reducing recidivism and US prison populations will continue.

Find Your Representative | house.gov


End Notes

1 https://www.splcenter.org/resources/guides/trump-tough-on-crime-memo-faq/

2 Why the Tough on Crime Approach is Failing and What We Can Do About It – LAMA

3 Recidivism Rates by State 2025

4 50 States, 1 Goal: Examining State-Level Recidivism Trends in the Second Chance Act Era – CSG Justice Center